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Pope Eugenius IV and the Concordat of Vienna (1448) — An Interpretation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

John B. Toews
John B. Toews
Affiliation:
Assistant Professor of History, Univeristy of Alberta, Calgary, Canada
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Extract

The Concordat of Vienna (1448) was one of the most suggestive historical phenomena of the fifteenth century. Drafted in the midst of a century characterized by diplomatic intrigue and institutional flux, and ratified amid the pageantry of traditional ceremony, it implicitly suggested the restoration of order and stability. The agreement appeared to signify the re-establishment of papal supremacy, the destruction of conciliarism, and even the partial restoration of the medieval Christian Commonwealth by virtue of the submission of the Empire to Rome. Contemporary notions relating to the Concordat of Vienna are invariably drawn from the works of the papal historians Ludwig Pastor and Mandell Creighton. Both viewed it as a papal victory and a defeat of the Council of Basel. F. X. Seppelt took a more cautious position and suggested that the eventual implementation of the agreement brought many concessions to the territorial princes. Joseph Gill in his recent biography of Pope Eugenius almost entirely bypassed this phase of the pontiff's activity. Only Bertram's monograph on the concordats of the later middle ages devoted some space to the 1448 pact. While presenting some interesting conclusions, he failed to adequately interpret any one concordat in the light of its own peculiar political background.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 34 , Issue 2 , June 1965 , pp. 178 - 194
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1965

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References

1. In a broad sense the term Coneordat might describe any agreement between a prelate and a secular government. Technically, the term has a narrower meaning “… in that only those contracts are understood by it, which the Pope, as head of the Church, concludes with the government of an individual state in an attempt to clarify its relationship with the Church.” Phillips, G., Kirchenrecht (Regensburg, 1840), III, p. 675.Google Scholar

2. See Pastor, L., Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1886), I, pp. 298–299Google Scholar; Creighton, M., A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome (London, 1919), III, pp. 106–109Google Scholar; Seppelt, F.X., Geschichte der Päpste (Munich, 1957), IV, pp. 310–311Google Scholar; Gill, J., Eugenius IV Pope of Christian Union (London, 1961)Google Scholar; Bertrams, W., Der neuzeitliche Staatsgedanke und die Konkordate des ausgehenden Mittelalters (Rome, 1942).Google Scholar

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13. Ibid., No. 274.

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15. Shortly after the Diet had been transferred from Nuremberg to Mainz, Diether made an effort to influence the other electors towards declaring obedience to Eugenius IV. RTA, No. 357, Article 2.

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21. The term is left untranslated because of its multiple connotations. Its 1442 usage relates to all the orders or states of the Empire not included in any electoral territory.

22. Ibid., No. 231, Articles 15–15f.

23. Ibid., No. 221, Dated at Frankfort on July 30, 1442.

24. Bachmann, op. cit., Beilagen, No. VIII; RTA, XVI, No. 223.Google Scholar

25. RTA, XVI, No. 226.Google Scholar

26. Ibid., No. 222.

27. In accordance with the idea that no new policies could be legislated until the forthcoming Council established a new operational basis, Frederick declared his adherence to the Protestation of March 17, 1438, Ibid., No. 230.

28. For a more detailed account of the dispute see RTA, XVIII, Nos. 23–29.Google Scholar

29. Ibid., No. 29.

30. The Frankfort Diet had sent commissions to the contending church parties. These were scheduled to give a report of their findings to a new Diet at Nuremberg. Ibid., No. 229, Article 4.

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32. RTA, XVII, No. 101, Articles 6 and 7.Google Scholar

33. For a further discussion of this aspect see Gerber, H., “Frankfurt a.M. und der Reichskrieg gegen die Armagnaken, 1444–45,” Archive Für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst, Folge 4, IV (1933), 49–79Google Scholar; Thommen, R., “Friedensverträge und Bünde der Eidgenossenschaft mit Frankreich, 1444- 1777,” Basler Zeitschift für Geschichte und Attertumskunde, XV (1916), 119–129.Google Scholar

34. The document was used by Pückert, op. cit., pp. 216–217 and is listed in RTA, XVII, No. 184Google Scholar. It was probably lost or destroyed during World War II. Pückert implied that the declaration was issued near the close of the Nuremberg deliberations and represented the last positive effort on the part of the imperial court and the electorate to solve the ecclesiastical problems of the time. A joint declaration of this nature did not fit the temperament and setting of mid-October, since separatistic tendencies of the electoral camp allowed no united policy at this time. The united desire for an end to neutrality was a manifestation of the early enthusiasm which characterized the Diet. Frederick's decree was a later formulation of this early attitude.

35. Bachmann, op. cit., Beilage, No. XIV, pp. 230–231.

36. The electoral counter-proposals were also presented on October 1, 1444, shortly after the imperial pronouncement. Ibid., Beilage, No. XV, pp. 231–33.

37. The official copies of the decree were preserved in both Latin and German. RTA, XVII, No. 193Google Scholar; Gerbert, M., Historia Nigrae Silvae Ordinis Sancti Benedicti Coloniae (Freiburg, 1788), III, p. 357Google Scholar. The document is registered in Chmel, Regesta, No. 1783.

38. Unofficially usurping the imperial prerogative the Electors of Cologne and Treves and the representatives of the Archbishops of Magdeburg, Bremen, and Salzburg, as well as those of the Electors of the Palatinate and Saxony scheduled a meeting for December 8, 1445. Its avowed purpose involved the termination of electoral neutrality. Bachmann, op. cit., p. 140.

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42. Gragg, F.A., “The Commentaries of Pius II,” Smith College Studies in History, XXII, 33–35.Google Scholar

43. The pact really consisted of three mutual defense treaties. They were signed between the French and Cologne (Lacomblet, op. cit., IV, No. 255, pp. 307–308), Trier (Hontheim, J.N., Historia Trevirensis Diplomatica et Pragmatica (Vienna, 1750), II, 816, pp. 398–399)Google Scholar, and Saxony (Dumont, J., Corps Universel Diplomatic du Droit des Gens (Cologne, 1869), III, 1, p. 127)Google Scholar. Religious issues motivated none of these pacts. Frederick of Saxony had lost territory to Philip of Burgundy, while Jacob of Treves needed aid against the rebellious city of Soest.

44. Birck, M., Der Kölner Erzbischof Dietrich Graf von Moers und Papst Eugen IV (Bonn, 1889), pp. 55–57.Google Scholar

45. Pückert, op. cit., pp. 236–239. The Frankfort deliberations represented the failure of a whole series of electoral negotiations with France. Electoral policy was momentarily bankrupt.

46. Frederick's distrust of the Electors was well justified. On October 22, 1445, a marriage contract between Count Lewis of the Palatinate and Margaretha of Savoy was negotiated by the Archbishops of Cologne and Treves. Dumont, op. cit, No. 95. Through this marriage Count Lewis became a potential mediator between the Electors and the French. In addition to this princely consultation at Leipzig and Boppard in the fall of 1445 produced renewed endorsement of the Council of Basel. Pückert, op. cit., pp. 220–222, 232.

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48. The terms by which Frederick III promised to aid Eugenius IV were expressed in three bulls issued in February, 1446. The Pope granted Frederick the right to invest the six great hishopries of Trent, Brixen, Chur, Gurk, Trieste, and Piben. Frederick could nominate individuals with visitonal powers over the monasteries of Austria. The Papacy further agreed to pay the Emperor the sum of 221,000 ducats and promised additional favors in the event of Frederick's visit to Italy. Eugenius himself was to pay 121,000 ducats, the rest being paid by his successors Chmel, , Materialen, I, 2, Nos. LXXII–LXXIVGoogle Scholar; Düx, J. M., Nicolas von Cusa (Regensburg, 1847), I, Beilage IVGoogle Scholar; Voigt, G., Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter (Berlin, 1856), I, Beilage II.Google Scholar

49. Birck, op. cit., Beilage II.

50. Günther, W. (ed.), Codex Diplomaticus Rheno-Mosseflanus (Coblenz, 1825), IV, No. 217, pp. 453–461Google Scholar; Müller, op. cit., I, 276–282, 312; Gudenus, V. F. (ed.), Codex Diplomaticus Anecdotorum Res Moguntinas Illustrantium (Göttingen. 1743), IV, pp. 290–298Google Scholar; Brockhaus, C., Gregor von Heimburg: Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Geschichte des 15. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1861), pp. 59–60.Google Scholar

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52. In his account of the matter, Eugenins wrote “Cumque res diu inutiliter tractaretur, ad pecunim tandem recurrere oportet, cui rarae obaudiunt aures. Race Domina curiarum est, haec aures omnium aperit, huic omnia serviunt, Haec quoque Maguntinum expugnavit.” Kollar, op. cit., p. 127. Pückert treats the story of bribery as a fable, but his arguments against it are not conclusive. op. cit., pp. 281–84.

53. Gragg, op. cit., p. 40.

54. Mansi, J. P., Pii II PM. olim Aeneae Syhvii Piccolominei Senensis, Orationes Politicae, et Ecclesiasticae (Luca, 1755), p. 108.Google Scholar

55. Ravnoldus, O., Annales Ecclesiastici (Barri-Ducis, 1874), ad an 1447, Nos. 5–7Google Scholar: Mereati, A., Raccolta di Concordati su Materie Ecclesiastiche tra la Santa Sede e le Autorità Civili (Rome, 1919), p. 168ff.Google Scholar

56. Aenens' account of the matter is preserved in a letter to Frederick III. Muratori, L. A., Rerum Itahicarum Scriptores (Milan. 1784), III, 2, p 889.Google Scholar

57. Ibid., p. 895: Christophe, J. B., His-loire de la Papauté pendant le XV. Siècle avec des Pièces Justificatives (Lyon, 1863), I, p. 372.Google Scholar

58. Hefele, J., Conciliengeschichte (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1869), VII, pp. 837–838.Google Scholar

59. Aeneas Sylvius was sent on a special mission to win over Dietrich. At Cologne he was regarded by the University as an apostate. Aeneas found it necessary to justify himself in a letter addressed to the rector of the institution. His apology exemplifies his characteristic shrewdness. Pea, C., Pius II Port. Max. a Calumniis Vindicatus (Rome, 1823), pp. 1–16Google Scholar. A copy of the bull finalizing the Vienna Concordat reached the Archbishop soon afterwards.

60. Müller, op. cit., pp. 355–375.

61. Chmel, , Regesta, Anhang, pp. XCIV–XCVI.Google Scholar

62. Mereati, op. cit., p. 177ff.

63. See the letter of Pope Calixtus III to Frederick III in Werminghoff, A., Nationalkirchliche Bestrebungen im Deutschen Mittebabter, (Stuttgart. 1910), p. 108.Google Scholar

64. In a strict interpretation of canon law, the Papacy still retained its right to investitures, taxation and general control of the Church. The Concordat only represented a voluntary curtailment of these rights.

65. The idea of a centralized Papacy as a prerequisite to religious unity survived despite the Schism, conciliarism and such political pamphleteering as sought to derive authority from popular sovereignty. The theoretical revival of imperial absolutism by such figures as Antonio Rosellis, Aeneas Sylvius, Turrecremata, and Petrus de Monte still thought of papal centralism as a collateral of imperial supremacy, even though the nature of the relationship was subject to varying degrees of in terpretation. Eckermann, K., Studien zur Geschichte des monarchischen Gedctnkens im 15. Jahrhundert (BerlinGrunewald, 1933), pp. 91–94, 107–111.Google Scholar

66. Utility and expediency were characteristic features of pre-1448 diplomacy. Opportunities for such aetion were rooted in tbe lack of a central power as well as in the anarchistic nature of the later Council of Basel. In reaction to the assertiveness of the lower clergy at Basel the higher ecclesiastics and princes first used it as a weapon of diplomacy then, having attained their aims, abandoned it to its fate. The frequent reference to the Council in the multiple intrigues of the Electors cannot therefore be interpreted as a princely loyalty to conciliarism.

67. Bertrams, op. cit., p. 191.