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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
For about a hundred years there has been an intermittent but sometimes vigorous debate1 on the question whether Quintus Smyrnaeus and Tryphiodorus directly used the Second Aeneid as a source for their epic descriptions “of the capture and destruction of Troy. Heyne thought that they did not; but towards the end of the nineteenth century it appeared more likely that they did. Heinze opposed the general belief: but it was reaffirmed for Quintus by Paschal and Becker4 and for Tryphiodorus by Dr. E. Cesareo on internal evidence. Meanwhile Professor Samuel E. Bassett had concluded that Quintus was not after all dependent on Vergil: and still more recently Dr. J. W. Mackail, reviewing Cesareo's monograph, has maintained with emphasis that the Aeneid is certainly not the source of the late epic. Accordingly the controversy cannot even now be considered closed.
page 178 note 1 For the references cf. especially Heinze, R., Virgils epische Technik (Leipzig, 1915), p. 63Google Scholar, note 3, cont. p. 64: Becker, P. in Rhein. Mus. LXVIII. (1913), p. 68:Google ScholarCesareo, E., Trifiodoro e I' Iliupersis di Virgilio (Studi italiani di filologia classica, N.S. VI. [Florence, 1929]), p. 234Google Scholar, note 1.
References to modern authorities will be given here by the name of the writer and page number only after the first mention of the work in question, unless there is a possible ambiguity. Initials are used as follows: V. for the Aeneid of Vergil: Q. for the ϒὰ μεθ' ῞μηρον of Quintus Smyrnaeus: and T. for the ῞Iλίου ἃλѡοις of Tryphiodorus.
page 178 note 2 P. Virgilius Maro uarietate lectionum et perpetua annotatione illustratus a Heyne, C. G. (London, 1821), Vol. II., pp. 279: 284Google Scholar.
page 178 note 3 Heinze, pp. 63 sqq.
page 178 note 4 Paschal, G. W., A Study of Quintus Smyrnaeus (Diss. Chicago [1904]): Becker, pp. 68 sqqGoogle Scholar.
page 178 note 5 Cesareo, pp. 231 sqq.: he carries much farther the method and conclusions of DrCastiglioni, L. in Riv. di fil. class. N.S. IV. (1926), pp. 501Google Scholar sqq.
page 178 note 6 In Amer. Journ. Phil. XLVI. (1925), pp. 243 sqqGoogle Scholar.: endorsing the view of Koechly, (Quintus Smyrnaeus ed. Koechly, A. [Leipzig, 1850], Prolegg., p. xxvi): cf.Google ScholarWay, A. S., Quintus Smyrnaeus, Loeb, ed. (London, 1913), Introd., pp. v. sqqGoogle Scholar.
page 178 note 7 In J.R.S. XIX. (1929), pp. 107 sqGoogle Scholar.
page 178 note 8 Heinze, pp. 63 sqq.: esp. pp. 66 sq.: 69: 73: 81.
page 178 note 9 Heinze, pp. 69: 72 sq.: 76: 78: 81.
page 178 note 10 Heinze, pp. 64 sqq.
page 178 note 11 Heinze, pp. 48, note 1, cont. p. 49: 50: 67, note 1: 77, note 1 (where Quintus appears nearer to Vergil than Sophocles to either). Cf. 77 sq. (on the Aeolus scene and storm, V. I. 50 sqq. ~ Q. XIV. 466 sqq.) for possible sources in Hellenistic poetry; and for parallels between Quintus and Sophocles, Bassett, p. 249 sq.
page 178 note 12 Heinze, p. 67. Cf. Robert, C., Bild und Lisd (Berlin, 1881), pp. 209Google Scholar: 222: 224: 229: cf. also pp, 208 and 231 and note 5, cont. p. 232, where the use of a handbook by Ovid is well established.
page 178 note 13 Cf. especially Cesareo, p. 262, note 2. A like respect is due to Cesareo himself.
page 179 note 1 Cesareo, pp. 235 sqq.: et pass.
page 179 note 2 Cesareo, pp. 245 sqq.: et pass.
page 179 note 3 Cesareo, pp. 239 sqq.: 260: 277.
page 179 note 4 Cesareo, pp. 240: 262: 274 sqq., especially 277. The displacement was noticed also by Castiglioni (p. 504: cf. 517).
page 179 note 5 Cesareo, pp. 242: 264: 299.
page 179 note 6 Cesareo, pp. 256: 270: 273.
page 179 note 7 Cesareo, pp. 271: 286: 299.
page 179 note 8 Cesareo, pp. 241: 274: 277: 286.
page 179 note 9 Cesareo, pp. 268: 272. And yet Tryphiodorus himself says (3) that he writes in haste.
page 179 note 10 As Becker (p. 90) argues.
page 179 note 11 V., p. 178, note 8 supr.
page 179 note 12 Mackail, p. 108. The argument of Kroll, W. (Fleckeisens Jahrb. Supphmmtband, XXVII. 2 [1902], p. 163Google Scholar) that the imitation of any Latin poet by any Greek is otherwise unknown should not of course be pressed. There is, however, definite evidence that Latin literature was very little known to distinguished Greek men of letters under the later Principate (Bassett, p. 243).
page 179 note 13 Mackail, p. 108. But cf. Bassett, p. 243.
page 179 note 14 Cf. e.g.: Q. I. 36 sqq.: 46: 53 ~ V. I. 490 sq.: 498 sqq.: XI. 659 sqq. (treatments of the motive of Penthesilea): Q. I. 826 sq.: VII. 672 sq.: XII. 104 sq. ~ V. II. 250: 268 sq.: IV. 522 sqq. (where 528 is rejected by Ribbeck: cf. V. IX. 225, which, however, fulfils the purpose of this comparison): XI. 182 sqq.: 201 sq. (treatments of the fall of night). With κατ᾽ ὠαγανοȋο βεβήκει ἠώς … (Q. I. 826 sq.) should be compared especially ruit oceano nox (V. II. 250), because this may be one of the instances, of which others will be discussed below, of a difficulty in Vergil soluble by reference to the late epics. Possibly both phrases imply an ultimate original in which ὠκεανόσ was still located not only round but above the earth (as in Aesch, . P. V. 128 sqq.: cf. Et. Mag. s.v.:Google ScholarHarrison, J. E., Themis 2 [Cambridge, 1927], pp. 456 sq.)Google Scholar. There are, of course, objections to both the usual renderings of V. II. 250: a meaning ‘down from the sky’ agrees with Homeric precedent and with V. III. 508 and VI. 539. V. II. 8 sq.: 268 sq.: IV. 522 sqq.: IX. 222 sq.: XI. 182 sq.: 201 sq. may be retractationes (cf. Guillemin, A. M., L'Originalitéde Virgile [Paris, 1931], PP. 125 sqq.Google Scholar) of a source of Q. XII. 104 sq. Cf. also: Q. XII. 261 ~ V. VI. 261: Q. XII. 365 sq. (of Sinon confronting the Trojans)~V. X. 693 sqq. (of Mezentius in battle): Q. XI. 405 sq. ~ V. XI. 283 sq.: Q. XII. 213: 400 sq. ~ V. X. 745 sq.( = XII. 309 sq.): Q. II. 605: XII. 459 sqq. ~ V. IV. 167 sq.: and parallels collected by Becker, pass. Cf. also: T. 116 (of Sinon: cf. also T 216) ~ V. I. 482 (of the Trojan Athena: cf. V. VI. 469 [of Dido]): T. 265 (of Sinon) ~ V. III. 613 (of Achaemenides). The incidents of Sinon and Achaemenides are linked by the occurrence of the same line as V. II. 76 and III. 612. Cf. Cesareo, pp. 278 sq. Probably Vergil used material concerning Sinon for the incident of Achaemenides. Cf. also: T. 330 sqq. (of Athena helping the wooden horse forward)~ V. X. 246 sqq. (of Cymodocea helping the ship of Aeneas forward): T. 149 s q.~ V. X. 280 sqq.: T. 310 ~ V.X. 501 sq.: T. 649 sq. ~ V.I. 39 sqq.
page 180 note 1 Cf. e.g. the death of Dido on the pyre (V. IV. 504 sqq.: 665 sqq.) and the similar death of Oenone (Q. X. 234 sqq.): the collapse of Dido under emotion (V. IV. 391 sq.) and the collapse of Cassandra (T. 439 sqq.), which seem all the more likely to be from a single original here concerned with Cassandra, because Ovid, (Her. V. 199 sq.Google Scholar) uses to describe the plight of Cassandra words which recall Vergil's expressions about Dido: and such incidents as the tree-felling, for funeral rites in Italy (V. VI. 179 sqq.), and for building the wooden horse (Q. XII. 122 sqq.). The comparison of the departures from Carthage (V. V. 1 sqq.) and from Troy (Q. XIV. 370 sqq.) removes a difficulty in Vergil. The sailors of Aeneas, about to sail from Carthage, put garlands on their ships (V. IV. 418). MrSparrow, John (Half-lines and, Repetitions in Vergil [Oxford, 1931], p. 97)Google Scholar argues that the references cited for garlanding ships are not true parallels, generally because they are not concerned with the start of a voyage. He suggests that V. IV. 418 is a tibicen inserted from Georg. I. 304, where it also occurs, but for the end of a voyage. But there is a parallel, which seems to have been missed, in Quintus, according to whom (XIV. 376) the Achaeans put garlands on their ships when they started on their return from Troy. It is therefore likely that here also Vergil and Quintus are both remembering a corresponding passage in earlier poetry. For the adoptions by Vergil of the form of an incident cf. Conway, R. S. in Martin Classical Lectures, I. (1930: Cambridge, Mass., 1931), pp. 151 sqqGoogle Scholar.
page 180 note 2 Cf. p. 178, note 12 supr.: and Conington, J., P. Vergili Maronis Opera (London, 1878), Vol. II., p. 108Google Scholar.
page 180 note 3 Sat. V. 2. 5.
page 181 note 1 Collected by Kinkel, G., Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, pp. 248 sqqGoogle Scholar.
page 181 note 2 Suid. s.v. πείσανδρος.
page 181 note 3 Schmid, W. and Stählin, O., Griechische Literaturgeschichte (München, 1929), Vol. I. i., pp. 295 sqq.Google Scholar, especially p. 297, note 9: Conington, Vol. II., pp. 107 sq.
page 181 note 4 Arguments from the silence of other critics are not decisive: ‘It is the wont of such witnesses to dwell rather on points of dissimilarity than on points of agreement’ (Conington, p. 108). The implications of Serv. ad. Verg, . Aen. IV., etc., should not be exaggeratedGoogle Scholar.
page 181 note 5 Cicero thought highly of Antimachus, (Brut. 51)Google Scholar, and Statius used his Thebaid (Quintil. X. 1. 53)Google Scholar. His date is early in the fifth century (Suid. s.v.: Plut, . Lys. XVIII.)Google Scholar. He related the return of Diomedes (Acron. ad Horat, . Epist. ad Pis. 146)Google Scholar, and Vergil may have used his work for his own references to Diomedes, (Aen. X. 26Google Scholar sqq., etc.). He certainly seems to have used the Thebaid of Antimachus in preference to Homer (A 402 sqq.) for Aegaeon: who in Vergil, (Aen. X. 565 sqq.)Google Scholar and Antimachus, (Interpr. Mai. ad Verg.Aen. X. 565)Google Scholar is the enemy, not, as in Homer, the friend, of Zeus. For the revived epic of Panyassis, Choerilus and Antimachus cf. Suid. s.v. πανύασσις.
page 181 note 6 Knight, W. F. J. in Class. Phil. XXV. (1930), pp. 358 sqqCrossRefGoogle Scholar.: id.ibid. XXVI. (1931), pp. 412 sqq.
page 181 note 7 Lost Hesiodic poetry is cited by Servius, ad Aen. II. 82Google Scholar (on Pelasgus, ), ad Georg. I. 14Google Scholar (on Aristaeus, ), and ad Georg. III. 280 (on hippomanes)Google Scholar. Cf. Hygin, . Fab. 154Google Scholar, where apparently an otherwise unknown Hesiodic account of Phaetbon, a probable source of V. X. 185 sqq., is recorded. Cf. also the apparent influence on V. VII. 808 sq. (on Camilla) of Hesiodic lines (on Iphiclus), quoted by Eustathius, ad Il., p. 323Google Scholar, which are nearer to Vergil's words than T 227: and cf. too Schol, . ad Arat. 322Google Scholar (on Orion in Hesiod) with V. X. 763 sqq. The Hesiodic lines quoted by Schol. ad Pind, . Nem. 16Google Scholar (Τηυγέτη τʼ ἐρόεσσα… δίη τε Κελαίνω…) seem to have given to Vergil the association of ‘Taygeta’ (at the same place in the line) at Georg. II. 486 sqq. where it raised difficulties in a controversy between Fowler, Warde and Raper, R. W. [C.R. XXVII. (1913), pp. 13Google Scholar sqq. and 85], to which the solution perhaps lies in the Hesiodic influence and imagination auditive), and possibly to have suggested dira Celaeno at V. III. 211. (The probability is increased if dirus=disus =δīος in some meaning like ‘magically dangerous,’ not ‘bright,’ as δīος is still too often translated [Harrison, J. E., Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (Cambridge, 1912), p. 23Google Scholar and note 2, citing Neil, R. A. in J.H.S. XIX. (1899), p. 114Google Scholar, note 1]. Cf. dirus Ulixes [V. II. 261] with δīος Ὀδυσσεύς [α 196, etc.].)
That Vergil used early epic now lost is made likely by Servius, ad Aen. XII. 691Google Scholar, citing from ‘Homer’ συρίζουσα λογΧή as a parallel to striduntque hastilibus aurae: by Dionys, . Hal. de Hom. poesi, p. 294Google Scholar, citing from ‘Homer’ ϕθέγξατο δʼήνίοΧος νηός κυανοπρώροιο (a possible original V. VI. 1, etc.): and by Probus ad Georg. II. 506, who says that Ennius and Vergil both follow ‘Homer’ in calling Tyre ‘Sarra.’ Extant Homeric poetry does not furnish these citations.
page 182 note 1 Allen, T. W., Homer, The Origins and Transmission (Oxford, 1924), pp. 56 sqqGoogle Scholar. The quotations preserved, and the phrase used by Philo Bybl. (fr. 2. 28 Müller), seem to disprove the suggestion of Robert (p. 224) that the texts almost went out of circulation early.
page 182 note 2 Bacon, J. R. in C.Q. XXV. (1931), pp. 172 sqqCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
page 182 note 3 V. II 112 sqq.
page 182 note 4 I had conjectured this myself (in Class. Phil. XXV. [1930], p. 360)Google Scholar, without having noticed the confirmation supplied by Quintus (cf note 5 in fr.).
page 182 notee 5 Q. XII. 157 sqq.
page 182 note 6 hic aliud maius miseris multoque tremendum obicitur magis atque improuida pectora turbat.
Laocoon … (V. II. 199 sqq.) hic aliud at V. II. 199 is of course echoed by his aliud at V. XII. 244.
page 182 note 7 The only other portent which can be found is the discovery of the wooden horse itself by the Trojans (Mackail, J. W., The Aeneid of Virgil [Oxford, 1930]Google Scholar. ad loc.). But the comparison is then strained; and it has usually been supposed that there is a difficulty.
page 182 note 8 τῶ δκύντερον ἂλλο θεὰ μεγάθυμος ʼ Αθήνη δυστήνοις τεκέεσσινέμήδετο Λαοκόωντος.
page 183 note 1 Q. XII. 395 sqq. There was also an earthquake.
page 183 note 2 Cf. V. II. 39 with T. 250 sqq. (where the Trojans deliberate what to do with the wooden horse): V. II. 57 sqq. with T. 256 sqq. (where Sinon is introduced): V. II. 194 with T. 303 (where Sinon's speech ends): V. II. 232 sqq. with T. 304 sqq. (where the horse is taken into Troy). The episode of Laocoon is contained in V. II. 40–56 and 199–231 (195–198 only relate that Sinon was believed by the Trojans).
page 183 note 3 T. 358.
page 183 note 4 V. II. 402 sqq. illis nam Troiam forte diebus (V. II. 408) and the unfinished line audierit (411) seem to betray partial adjustment. Cf. also … lumina, nam teneras arcebant uincula palmas (406), which looks like an adjustment to some version in which Cassandra lifted her hands, as at Q. XIV. 436 sqq., as well as her eyes to heaven. V. II. 403 sqq. seems in fact to contain a combination of elements found at Q. XII. 535 sqq. and XIV. 436 sqq. (both of Cassandra).
page 183 note 5 V. II. 246 sq.
page 183 note 6 V. II. 341 sqq ~ Q. XIII. 174 sqq. For the reduplicadeath of Coroebus cf. V. II. 424 sqq.: Q. XIII. 168 sqq. Only in Quintus (XIII. 168 sqq.) and the Ilias parua (according to Proclus) is Coroebus killed by Diomedes. Possibly the Ilias parua itself is the source of Quintus here. Vergil, however, could not make Diomedes kill Coroebus, who is for Vergil a very sympathetic character, because Diomedes is friendly to Aeneas afterwards (V. XI. 243 sqq.). Nor could he allow the deed to be done by Neoptolemus (as in the general version), for that would have mitigated the tremendous entry of Neoptolemus, on the heels of Polites. He chose instead Peneleos V. II. 425), a poetical name from one of his available traditions: for Peneleos appears with other Vergilian names at T. 180.
page 183 note 7 V. II. 189 sqq.: T. 296 sqq.: cf. Cesareo, pp. 293 sqq.: Heinze, p. 81: cf. p. 68.
page 183 note 8 cf.: Q. XII. 390 sqq. ~ V. II. 35 sqq. and 43 sqq.: Q. XII. 395 sq. and 564 sq. ~ V. II. 54 sq.: Q. XII. 178 and 412 ~ V. II. 222: Q. XII. 407 sq. ~ V. II. 210 (where Vergil has apparently transferred the description from the eyes of Laocoon to the eyes of the snakes): Q. XII. 449 ~ V. II. 21: Q. XII. 457 ~ V. II. 209: Q. XII. 458 ~ V. II. 211: Q. XII. 461 sqq. ~ V. II. 212 sqq.: Q. XII. 476 sq. ~ V. II. 216 sq.
page 183 note 9 Heinze, p. 68. He explains the reduplication of Laocoon's punishment as an adjustment by Quintus himself. Cf. Robert, pp. 192 sqq.: 200 sqq.: 209.
page 183 note 10 Q. XII. 525 sqq.
page 184 note 1 Cf. Q. XII. 559 sqq.: 567 sq.: 571 sqq. with V. II. 31 sqq.: 36: 54 sq.: 229 sqq. The suggestions for destroying the horse given by Homer (θ 507 sqq.) and Arctinus (Procl. epit. Il. pers.) are combined by Vergil. In this particular Quintus is nearer to Homer, and Tryphiodorus to Arctinus.
page 184 note 2 Cf. Q. XII. 415 sqq. with V. II. 145: 228 sqq. Contrast misirescimus ultro at V. II. 145 with όψέ περ οίκτείραντες at Q. XII. 422.
page 184 note 3 Cf. Q. XII. 422 sqq. with V. II. 235 sqq.: 238 sqq.: 244 sqq. (cf. Serv. ad loc. and Q. XII. 523, later in the story): 248 sqq.
page 184 note 4 Bethe, E. in Rhein. Mus. XLVI. (1891), pp. 512 sqqGoogle Scholar.
page 184 note 5 Cf. (in their contexts) T. 242 sq. with V. II. 40 sq.
page 184 note 6 V. II. 246 sq.: 341 sqq.: 402 sqq.
page 184 note 7 V. VI. 517 sqq. (of Helen: cited by Heinze [p. 79] and Cesareo [p. 275, note 1], but without, in my opinion, satisfactory conclusions): V. VII. 385 sqq.: 397 sq. (of Amata: cf. especially V. VII. 397 sq. with Q. XII. 568 sq.).
page 184 note 8 V. II. 567 sqq.: cf. with 571 sqq. Q. XIII. 386 sq.: T. 630 sqq.
page 184 note 9 Heyne, Vol. II., p. 256 sq., etc. Heinze( p. 45 and note 1) partially recognized this supreme instance of the Vergilian transmutation, realized that the traditional meeting of Menelaus with Helen is remembered: but he attributed it, according to the views of his time, to an unknown interpolator. The passage is intensely Vergilian and the account of Servius is quite satisfactory (cf. Fairclough, H. F. in Class. Phil. [1906], pp. 221 sqq.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, etc: and now Hahn, E. Adelaide in Class. Weekly, XXV. [1931–1932], note 11, cont. p. 61)Google Scholar. The lines are restored by recent editors. If Vergil rejected them for insufficient reasons, there is a parallel in English literature: for Wordsworth removed some important lines from the Ode on Intimations of Immortality, persuaded by Coleridge, who unable to understand them.
page 184 note 10 T. 495 sq.: 512 sq.
page 184 note 11 T. 365 sq.: 369 sq.
page 184 note 12 Q. XII. 565 sqq.
page 184 note 13 V. VI. 525.
page 185 note 1 T. 469 sqq.: cf. δ 274 sqq.: but the incident is not entirely furnished to Tryphiodorus by Homer.
page 185 note 2 V. VI. 523 sq.
page 185 note 3 τ 4 sqq.: 31 sqq. Vergil may have been influenced by 33 sq., where Athena shows supernatural light, and in general by λ 424 sqq.
page 185 note 4 Q. XIII. 354 sqq.
page 185 note 5 V. VI. 520 sqq.
page 185 note 6 With καρηβαρέοντα at Q. XIII. 355 cf. βεβαρηότες οἴνῳ at Q. XIII. 164, and in general condition of the Trojans in Quintus.
page 185 note 7 V. VI. 502 sqq.
page 185 note 8 θ 517 sqq.
page 185 note 9 Procl, . epit. Il. pers.: T. 510 sqGoogle Scholar.
page 185 note 10 V. II. 567 sqq.: cf. T. 630 sqq.
page 185 note 11 V. II. 588 sqq.
page 185 note 12 V. II. 604 sqq.
page 185 note 13 Q. XIII. 385 sqq.
page 185 note 14 θ 514.
page 185 note 15 Stesichorus was probably the first to mention the personal intervention of Aphrodite (Robert, pp. 69 sqq.). Tzetzes, Johannes (τὰ μεθʼ Ὂμηρον, 750)Google Scholar possibly indicates that his work survived late, though hardly to the date of Tzetzes. Stesichorus may have influenced Vergil: seems, however, also to remember the meeting Aphrodite with Anchises in the form adopted Sophocles (Hal, Dion.. Ant. Rom. I. 48)Google Scholar and bably Ennius (Steuart, E. M., The Annals Ennius [Cambridge, 1925], p. 8Google Scholar [Ann. I., frs. 9, 11]: cf. pp. 103 sqq.).
page 185 note 16 V. II. 538 sqq.
page 185 note 17 Q. XIII. 192 sqq.
page 185 note 18 1V. I. 521, etc.
page 185 note 19 V. II. 601 sqq. The strange syntax of non … culpatus may be a sign that Vergil attempting to follow the verse form of an original closely.
page 186 note 1 Q. XIII. 412 sqq.: cf. Γ 164 sqq.
page 186 note 2 V. II. 608 sqq.
page 186 note 3 Q. XIII. 430 sqq.: cf. V. II. 310 sqq.: 483 sq.: 501 sqq.: all three Vergilian passages seem to share elements with Q. XIII. 430 sqq.
page 186 note 4 At V. II. 604 sqq. (where Venus withdraws the cloud from the eyes of Aeneas) originals of Q. XIII. 415 sqq. and of T. 310 sq., besides Ennius, , Ann. I., fr. 9Google Scholar (Steuart), and E 127, seem to have contributed influence.
page 186 note 5 T. 566 sqq.: cf. in this context T. 574 sq.: 681 with V. II. 606 sqq.: 624 sq.: III. 3.
page 186 note 6 T. 336 sqq. According to Vergil the horse halted after the demolition of masonry at the gate of Troy (V. II. 234: 242 sq.), not before, as in Tryphiodorus, whose account appears nearer to the facts. Cf. my forthcoming article in Class. Journ.
page 186 note 7 By Castiglioni (p. 504).
page 186 note 8 V. II. 608 sqq. There may be influence on Vergil and Tryphiodorus from ϒ 31 sqq.: but they are nearer to each other than to Homer: cf. Heinze, pp. 51 sqq.
page 186 note 9 Cf. T. 33 sqq. with V. X. 246 sqq.
page 186 note 10 By Heinze (p. 52).
page 186 note 11 V. II. 370 sqq.
page 186 note 12 V. II. 613 sq.
page 186 note 13 Heinze, pp. 42 sqq.
page 186 note 14 V. II. 506 sqq.
page 186 note 15 Q. XIII. 220 sqq.: T. 634 sqq.: cf. V. II 550 sqq.
page 186 note 16 Pausanias, X. 27. I sq. (1).
page 186 note 17 V. II. 553.
page 186 note 18 T. 635.
page 186 note 19 V. II. 557 sq.
page 186 note 20 Serv, . ad Verg. Aen. II. 506Google Scholar: 507. Vergil may have intended a comparison with the Pompeius Magnus (Guillemin, pp. 60 sq.: cf. Lucan, , Phars. VIII. 708 sqq.Google Scholar):or an allegory, as Schickinger, H. suggested (in Wiener Studien, XXVIII. [1906], pp. 165–167Google Scholar cf. Meerwaldt, J. D.Mnemosyne, LIX. [1931], pp. 184Google Scholar sqq., where view is defended).
page 186 note 21 Q. XIII. 241 sqq.
page 186 note 22 V. II. 550 sqq.
page 187 note 1 Q. XIII. 213 sqq.
page 187 note 2 V. II. 526 sqq. Vergil seems to have found in an original at this place a reference to the sons of Priam and to the death of Polites by a spear, and to have combined an incident, preserved at Q. VIII. 409 sqq., in which Polites escapes an arrow. His use of these ideas is typical.
page 187 note 3 V. II. 533 sqq.: Q. XIII. 225 sqq.: T. 636 sqq.
page 187 note 4 V. II. 554 sqq.: Q. XIII. 246 sqq.: cf. also 543 sqq. and X 61 sq.: Ω 255 sqq.
page 187 note 5 V. II. 536 sqq.: T. 634 sqq. Cf. with T. 635 V. II. 509 (of Priam) and 596 (of Anchises): with T. 634 sqq. T. 231 sqq. and V. II. 540 sqq. (for the reference to Achilles and Hector): and with Q. XIII. 232 sq. V. II. 555 sq.
page 187 note 6 V. II. 366 sqq.
page 187 note 7 Q. XIII. 145 sqq.
page 187 note 8 V. II. 426 sqq.
page 187 note 9 Q. XIII. 178 sqq.
page 187 note 10 V. II. 370 sqq.: 376 sq.: cf. 410 sqq.
page 187 note 11 Androgeos is otherwise unknown in the Trojan cycle (Heyne, ad loc). When he meets Aeneas, his words indicate that the Achaeans are already burning and pillaging Troy (V. II. 373 sqq.), though there has hardly been time for their work to have proceeded so far (Heinze, p. 27: cf. 73).
page 187 note 12 T. 577 sqq.
page 187 note 13 Cf. T. 619 sqq. with V. II. 409 sqq.: 438 sqq. Cf., with V. II. 440, Q. XIII. 85. θ 519 is apparently remembered at V. II. 438. θ 514 sq. proves, of course, that Homer gives extracts or short allusions from a longer poetry of the sack of Troy already existing.
page 187 note 14 Castiglioni, p. 501.
page 187 note 15 Cf. T. 664 sq. with V. II. 361 sq.: where an Ennian quality sustains the probability that Vergil owes much in the Second Aeneid to the suggestion of Ennius, with whom he also seems to share sometimes the same Greek originals.
page 187 note 16 Q. XIII. 81 sqq.
page 187 note 17 V. II. 368 sq. I add the suggestion that a common original was followed at V. II. 313, where trumpets are mentioned, and at T. 326 sq., where a supernatural trumpet prophesies war as the horse is drawn into Troy. For V. II. 313 Servius compares an ancient custom of taking cities to the sound of trumpets (recognized apparently at Σ 219): and, during an investigation of the magically regarded incidents of the fall of Troy, I had compared the trumpets used at Jericho for T. 326 sq. (in Class. Phil. XXV. [1930], p. 363Google Scholar, note 2). Cf. the conjecture of Klausen, R. H. (Aeneas und die Penaten [Hamburg, 1840], Vol. II., p. 693)Google Scholar that in the early saga the Heracleidae took Argos in this way: a conjecture which Gruppe, O. (Griechiscke Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte [München, 1906], Vol. II., p. 1199Google Scholar and note 4) thought bold but probably right. Tryphiodorus should have connected the trumpet call with Athena (cf. Gruppe, ibid., for the storm-symbolism of her aegis and the explanation that the trumpets were meant to exert wind pressure on the walls), and with the effective breach of the magic wall to admit the horse (cf. reff. at p. 181, note 6, supr.: T. 302: 330 sqq.: 390): but he attributes the call to Zeus, and considers it only prophetic. Vergil has suppressed these significances, as he has rationalized, apparently, at V. II. 298 a personification of the magic walls, preserved at Q. XII. 510 (where, if I am right, the MSS. reading should be restored), probably from the same original.
page 188 note 1 Q. XIII. 300 sqq. Heinze (p. 72) shows that the passage cannot be derived from the Second Aeneid: but in my opinion handbooks or general knowledge will hardly account for the conditions, as Heinze thinks (pp. 72 sq.: 81).
page 188 note 2 T. 651 sqq.
page 188 note 3 Cf. e.g. Q. XIII. 320 sqq. with V. II. 723 sq. (of Ascanius).
page 188 note 4 Q. XIII. 305 sq.
page 188 note 5 V. II. 766 sq.
page 188 note 6 Q. XIII. 325 sqq.
page 188 note 7 V. II. 632 sq.: cf. 459.
page 188 note 8 V. I. 381 sq. For the difficulty cf. Saunders, Catharine, Vergil's Primitive Italy (Oxford and New York, 1931), pp. 199Google Scholar sqq. ( =C.Q. XIX. [1925], pp. 85Google Scholar sqq.).
page 188 note 9 Serv. ad Verg, . Aen. I. 381Google Scholar, citing Varro.
page 188 note 10 V. II. 692 sqq. That Lncifer at V. II. 801 should be connected with Venus was supposed by Heyne (Vol. II., p. 336) after Servius.
page 188 note 11 Cf. e.g. the incident of Sinon: V. II. 57 sqq. looks like a conflation of Q. XII. 360 sqq. and I. 258 sqq.