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Ammianus Marcellinus 15.13.1–2: some observations on the career and bilingualism of Strategius Musonianus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Jan Willem Drijvers
Jan Willem Drijvers
Affiliation:
Rijksuniversiteit Groningen
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Extract

At the end of Book 15 of his Res Gestae Ammianus Marcellinus reports how Strategius Musonianus became the successor of the murdered Domitianus as Praefectus Praetorio Orientis (PPO). He tells that Strategius was a man versed in the two languages, i.e. Greek and Latin, and that because of this he had won a higher distinction than was expected. When Constantine the Great, so says Ammianus, was looking for an expert interpreter for his investigation into the Manichaean and similar heresies, he chose Strategius as a person recommended to him as competent. Constantine was so pleased with Strategius' skilful work that he gave him the honourable nickname Musonianus, which became his official name. This assignment was the start of a great career which eventually led to his denomination as PPO under Constantius II.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 46 , Issue 2 , December 1996 , pp. 532 - 537
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1996

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References

1 Amm. Marc. 15.13.1–2: ‘After the cruel death of Domitian, Musonian succeeded him as praetorian prefect in the government of the East. His command of the two languages won him a reputation which led to a career of unexpected distinction. Constantine, being in need of an interpreter in the course of his strict investigation into Manichaeism and similar heresies, had Musonian recommended to him as a suitable person, and appointed him to the post. His skilful discharge of this duty caused the emperor to change his name to Musonian (he was previously called Strategius), and from this beginning he rose through a number of career posts to the rank of prefect.’ (transl. Hamilton; slightly modified)

2 Athan. Hist. Ar. 15.3 = Opitz II, 190; Ap. sec. 36.4 = Opitz II, 114.Klein, R., Constantius II. und die Christliche Kirche (Darmstadt, 1977), p.78, p. 109.Google Scholar

3 He is not to be identified aspraeses of the Thebaid as the older literature does; e.g.Seeck, O., Die Briefe des Libanius zeitlich geordnet (Leipzig, 1906), p.282; REAA, s.v. Strategius 1Google Scholar;Jonge, P. de., Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XV, 6–13 (Groningen, 1953), pp.78–9. This was another Strategius (PLRE I, s.v. Fl. Strategius 5). It is even not quite certain whether he is to be identified as proconsul of Constantinople. This supposition is based on information provided by Him. Or. 62.6, where is said that the proconsul's name recalls the Muses (cf. also Lib. Ep. 580), but it might be that this is a reference to Musonius (PLRE I, s.v. Musonius 1).Google Scholar

4 15.13.2–3; 16.9.2–4; 16.10.21; 17.5.15. For Strategius'negotations with the Persians, see Lee, A. D., Information and Frontiers. Roman Foreign Relations in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, 1993), pp.106–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 Lib. Or. I 80.

6 Lib. Or. I 80.

7 Lib. Or. I 82–86, 106.

8 Lib. Epp. 345.1; 497.2; 580.2.

9 Lib. Or. I 111; Ep. 405.7.

10 Letters addressed to Musonianus; 323, 344, 356, 378, 388, 497. For letters which mention Musonianus, see Seeck, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 283–4 and PLRE I, p. 612.

11 Lib. Ep. 497.1. Only once (Ep. 515) does Libanius speak with disgust about Strategius, after a disagreement in which Strategius' nephew Andronicus was involved; cf.PLRE I, s.v. Andronicus, where Nebridius not Strategius is mentioned as his uncle; see also Seeck, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 73, and Petit, P., Libanius et la vie municipale a Antioche au IV e siecle après J. C. (Paris, 1955), p. In this case Libanius, like Ammianus, mentions his greediness and the doubtful source of his wealth.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12 Lib. Or. I 111–113; Ep. 345.1.

13 Cod. Theod. 13.5.14 (11 February, 371) refers to Musonianus as a man of ‘Most Noble Memory’.

14 Lib. Ep. 497.

15 R. von, Haehling, Die Religionszugehörigkeit der hohen Amtsträger des römischen Reiches seit Conslantins I. Alleinherrschaft bis zum Ende der Theodosianischen Dynastie (324–450 bzw. 455 n.Chr.) (Bonn, 1978), p.61.Google Scholar

16 Decret, F., L'Afrique Manichéenne (IV eV e siècles). Études historique et doctrinale (Paris, 1978, 2 vols.), vol.1, pp.161 ff.Google Scholar;Lieu, S. N. C., Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China. A Historical Survey, Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 63 (Tubingen, 1992, 2nd rev. ed.), pp.121–5.Google Scholar

17 Lieu, op. cit., p. 125.

18 See e.g.Chadwick, H., ‘The Fall of Eustathius of Antioch’, JTS 49 (1948), 27–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar;Barnes, T. D., Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, MA, 1981), pp.227–8.Google Scholar

19 Eus. V. C. 3.59, 63(letter of Constantine to the council at Antioch); also Socr. Hist. Eccl. 1.24 = PG 67, 144–5.

20 E.g. Seeck, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 282; RE 4.1, s.v. Strategius 1; PLRE I, p. 611;Dölger, F. J., ‘Konstantin der Grosse und der Manichäismus. Sonne und Christus im Manichäismus’, in Antike und Christentum 2 (Münister, 1930), 301–14, pp. 304–5 (it is interesting to note that Dolger considers Strategius Constantine's foremost lay adviser on religious matters);Google ScholarDowney, G., A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest (Princeton, 1961), p.352;Google ScholarPiganiol, A., L'Empire Chrétien 325–395 (Paris, 1972), p.46;Google ScholarMatthews, J. F., The Roman Empire of Ammianus (London, 1989), p.449.Google Scholar

21 Eus. V.C. 3.63.

22 Matthews, , op. cit. (n.20), p. 8, esp. n. 1. See also idem, ‘The Origin of Ammianus’, CQ 44 (1994), 252–69, where Matthews convincingly argues again—contraCrossRefGoogle ScholarBowersock, G. W. (JRS 80 [1990], 244–50)Google Scholar, Fornara, C. W. (Historia 41 [1992], 328–44)Google Scholar and Barnes, T. D., (CPh 88 [1993, 55–70)—that Ammianus most probably had an Antiochene background.Google Scholar

23 See Matthews, op. cit. (n. 20), pp. 467–8.

24 Cf. also Amm. Marc. 18.5.1, where is mentioned that Antoninus knew the two languages (…utriusque linguae litter as sciens…).

25 Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G., Antioch. City and Imperial Administration in the Later Roman Empire (Oxford, 1972), pp.247–8, pp.252–3.Google Scholar

26 Unfortunately it is not known to which other sects, besides Manichaeism, Ammianus refers.

27 Lieu, op. cit. (n. 16), p. 118, supposes that the first Latin translations of Manichaean texts were available at the end of the 3rd century in Africa Consularis. However, only in the latter half of the 4th century is there reliable evidence, thanks to Augustine who studied them, that Manichaean texts in Latin circulated; see, pp. 118–19. For the diffusion of Manichaeism in N. Africa, see Decret, op. cit. (n. 16), vol.1, pp. 179ff.

28 E.g. Downey, op. cit. (n. 20), p. 534; F. Millar, 'Paul of Samosata, Zenobia and Aurelian: The Church, Local Culture and Political Allegiance in Third-Century Syria', JRS 61 (1971), 1–17, pp. 2–5.; Liebeschuetz, op. cit. (n. 25), p. 62; R. Schmitt, 'Die Ostgrenze von Armenien fiber Mesopotamien, Syrien bis Arabien', in G. Neumann (ed.), Die Sprachen im romischen Reich der Kaiserzeit, Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbucher 40 (1980), 187–214, pp. 198–202; H. J. W. Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa (Leiden, 1980), pp. 3–4; G. W. Bowersock, Hellenism in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 29–35; W. V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge, MA, 1989), pp. 187ff., esp. pp. 188–9; Averil Cameron, The Mediterranean World in Late Antiquity A.D. 395–600 (London, 1993), pp. 182–6.

29 This is not to say that everyone was versed in only one language. Especially in church circles and among merchants there was knowledge of both Greek and Aramaic/Syriac; see e.g. Lieu, op. cit. (n. 16), pp. 97ff.; G. Bardy, La question des langues dans teglise ancienne I (Paris, 1948), pp. 18ff. Even local elites educated in Greek are likely to have had an oral acquaintance with Aramaic; it is, however, unlikely that they could read and write the language.

30 See G. Widengren, Mani and Manichaeism (London, 1965), pp. 74ff.

31 A suggestion already made by Lieu, op. cit. (n. 16), p. 127: 'We learn from Ammianus Marcellinus that Constantine sent one of his polylingual officers, Strategius Musonianus (who might have been a Syriac-speaker) to investigate the Manichaeans and other sects.'

32 The information Strategius provided Constantine with is not known. At any rate it gave no reason for the emperor to take action against the Manichees; we know of no anti-Manichaean legislation during his reign. It may have been reassuring for Constantine that the Manichaean christological stance conformed with the Nicene creed. See Dolger, op. cit. (n. 20), p. 306; Lieu, op cit. (n. 16), p. 127.