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Cicero, Pro Sestio 96–143

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

W. K. Lacey
W. K. Lacey
Affiliation:
St. Catharine's College, Cambridge
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Extract

In a recent paper Mr. Balsdon has condemned the ‘political barrenness of Cicero's thought and the thought of his political friends’. The speech pro Sestio, we are told, with its stress on otium, implies ‘an acceptance of the existing political and social conditions, of what Cicero describes as otiosae dignitatis … fundamenta (98), which the principes must protect and defend’. Defence of these was ‘a placid acceptance of the existing régime’ and the appeal for otium ‘the retort of Maître Pangloss that all was for the best in the best of all possible worlds’.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 12 , Issue 1 , May 1962 , pp. 67 - 71
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1962

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References

page 67 note 1 C.Q. N.S. x (1960), 43–50. I have to thank Dr. A. H. McDonald especially, also Mr. J. A. Crook, Mr. R. Gardner, and Dr. D. C. Earl for reading this through and giving me advice from which I have much profited. Reff. to pro Sestio are cited without heading.Google Scholar

page 67 note 2 Dio 39. 8, Velleius 2. 45. 3. But even this did not suffice to quell Clodius; for the attacks on Cicero's, Q. Cicero's, and Milo's houses in Nov. 57, ad Att. 4. 3. 2–3: for intimidation of the Senate in Dec. 57, ad Q.F. 2. 1. 3. All dates are B.C.Google Scholar

page 67 note 3 See esp. ad Q.F. 2. 3 and 4, for the situation early in 56; Dio 39. 20–21 for an attack on Cicero's house later.Google Scholar

page 67 note 4 For examples of otium used for internal tranquillity, Wirszubski, S. (J.R.S. xliv [1954], 4); the whole article is of the greatest interest and value.Google Scholar

page 68 note 1 Others certainly felt the same: cf. s.c. the magistrates to draft a law to break up against sodalitates and decuriae, which asked the organized gangs (ad Q.F. 2. 3. 5, 02. 56).Google Scholar

page 69 note 1 Called also ‘defensores optimatium, ipsique optimates gravissimi et clarissimi cives et principes civitatis’ (97), ‘summi viri et conservatores civitatis’ (98), ‘[optimatium] principibus ac rei publicae defensoribus’ (136), ‘optimatium principes, auctores et conservatores civitatis’ (138). They are also senatorial leaders (‘principes consili publici’ (97)), and probably also the senatorial majority too since both are called ‘propugnatores rei publicae’ (101, 137). The variety of expression and the copia of all these passages should be enough warning against trying to press any as a technical term. They make the absence of nobilitas or nobiles all the more conspicuous however; the sole reference to nobilitas is in 136, where aspiring optimate leaders are divided into nobiles and ‘you who can gain nobilitas by ingenium and virtus’.

page 69 note 2 ‘(maiores) senatum ipsum proximorum ordinum splendorem confirmare, plebis libertatem et commoda tueri atque augere voluerunt’ (137 fin.), taking Bake's emendation as accepted by Peterson in O.C.T. of the MSS. splendore confirmari; cf. pro communibus commodis (139).

page 69 note 3 The facts, at least on Cicero's exile and triumphant return, unmistakably support Cicero's version. The account tallies with the contemporary letter to Atticus (ad Att. 4. 1Google Scholar), and since his audience could well remember events six months back, and the senatorial, etc., records could be checked, Cicero could hardly dare to misrepresent die true state of affairs. It is also a fact that the Roman people resented being coerced by force; for 59 B.C., see ad Att. 2. 18. 1, 2.19, 2. 21, etc.Google Scholar; for a contemporary example, ad Q.F. 2. 3. 4 (Pompey). It is a strange assumption that they should like being coerced by Clodius‘ operae, because he was Cicero‘s enemy.Google Scholar

page 69 note 4 See the demonstrations of ad Q.F. 2. 3. 3–4; cf. Dio 39. 18 ff.Google Scholar

page 70 note 1 ‘Ipsa enim largitio, et spes commodi propositi sine mercede ulla multitudinem concitabat’ (105); they received marks of popularity (ibid.)—and all the measures mentioned in 103 were in fact passed.

page 70 note 2 103, reading aut with Peterson in O.C.T.; ac (with Lamb) seems to give better sense, since studium and commodum are complementary, not antithetical. The point is that such populares had real interests to serve; there is no ‘crux’ to solve as Balsdon supposes.

page 70 note 3 Rather oddly introduced (137), especially in the O.C.T. punctuation. ‘Haec est una via et laudis et dignitatis et honoris, a bonis viris sapientibus et bene natura constitutis laudari et diligi; nosse discriptionem civitatis a maioribus nostris sapientissime constitutam.’ The discriptio civitatis is of the Senate open to the whole people (ab universo poptdo deligerentur) and acting as rei publicae custodem, praesidem, propugnatorem; the Senate in turn is the magistrates’ counsellor, and looks after the interests of all the people. These are the optimates' principles (138); cf. 99.

page 70 note 4 The theme of 102 is that the exempla of the propugnatores reipublicae are eternal; also of 142, that the memory of those victimized is eternal, the names of their persecutors forgotten.