Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-dzt6s Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T05:00:35.324Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

A DITHYRAMB FOR AUGUSTUS: HORACE, ODES 4.21

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 April 2015

Alex Hardie
Alex Hardie*
Affiliation:
University of Edinburgh
*
ahardie1@staffmail.ed.ac.uk
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Odes 4.2 ostensibly looks forward to two public events lying at some indeterminate point in the future, Augustus' return from campaign in Gaul, and a triumph over the Sygambri. The celebrations anticipated for these occasions frame the second half of the ode; but they do not supply its dramatic setting or timing, and the latter is evidently associated with the period following Augustus' departure for Gaul in summer 16 b.c., or at any rate with a time when the Sygambri were felt still to present an armed threat. The dramatic date need not however be identical with the time of writing, and it should not be assumed that Odes 4.2 was composed in 16. Indeed, as will be seen (below, Section 6), it is most likely to be the retrospective product of a later period, around the time of Augustus' eventual return in July 13. On this view, the poem does not look forward to future events, but back to the time of Augustus' departure.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 65 , Issue 1 , May 2015 , pp. 253 - 285
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

1

I am grateful to the anonymous referee for helpful comments and bibliographical advice. I am also indebted to a pre-publication reading of Jacqueline Klooster's analysis of Aratean references in Horace's sacrificial vitulus (cited below, n. 74).

References

2 So I.M. Le M. Du Quesnay, ‘Horace, Odes 4.5: Pro Reditu Imperatoris Caesaris Divi Filii Augusti’, in Harrison, S.J. (ed.), Homage to Horace: A Bimillenary Celebration (Oxford, 1995), 128–87Google Scholar, at 132, noting the reference to vota publica for Augustus' return (42–3), and comparing Dio 54.19.7; Syndikus, H.P., Die Lyrik des Horaz: Eine Interpretation der Oden, vol. 2 (Darmstadt, 1973)Google Scholar, 296 n. 3. The Sygambrian incursion is dated to 17 by Obsequens 71, the year preferred by Syme, R., ‘Some notes on the legions under Augustus’, JRS 23 (1933), 14–33Google Scholar, at 7 n. 33. All dates cited are b.c., unless otherwise stated.

3 Syme, R., The Augustan Aristocracy (Oxford, 1986), 397–9Google Scholar (quotation at 396). On young nobiles in Odes 4, see also Harrison, S.J., ‘The praise singer: Horace, Censorinus and Odes 4.8’, JRS 80 (1990), 31–43Google Scholar, at 33–4.

4 PIR 2 A800. Praenomen: Syme (n. 3), 398. The aedileship is generally assumed for 16: thus, Kiessling, A. and Heinze, R., Q. Horatius Flaccus: Oden und Epoden (Berlin, 1930 7)Google Scholar, ad loc.; Becker, C., Das Spätwerk des Horaz (Göttingen, 1963)Google Scholar, 124, 126; S.J. Harrison, ‘Horace, Pindar, Iullus Antonius and Augustus: Odes 4.2’, in Harrison (ed.) (n. 2), 108–27, at 116; cf. Seel, O., ‘Maiore poeta plectro’, in Eisenhut, W. (ed.), Antike Lyrik (Darmstadt, 1970), 143–81Google Scholar, at 166–8; Fedeli, P. and Ciccarelli, I., Q. Horatii Flacci Carmina: liber IV (Florence, 2008)Google Scholar, 117 (the citations there imply ancient authority). Cf. Thomas, R., Horace Odes Book IV and Carmen Saeculare (Cambridge, 2011)Google Scholar, 105. No discussion in Orazio: Enciclopedia oraziana, 3 vols. (Rome, 1996–8)Google Scholar (henceforth EO), 1.637 s.v. ‘Antonio, Iullo’.

5 Publication in 13? See most recently Thomas (n. 4), 5–7. Nisbet, R.G.M., ‘Horace: life and chronology’, in Harrison, S. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Horace (Cambridge, 2007), 7–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 17, suggested that the recovery of standards and closure of the temple of Janus at Odes 4.15.6–9 may refer to events in 11 (this would not materially affect the conclusions of this article). Antonius: Dio 54.26.2 (Circus games and a senatorial feast on the Capitol for Augustus' birthday in 13).

6 Suet. Gramm. 18.3 sed cum edoceret iam multos ac nobiles in his Iullum Antonium triumviri filium ... Pansa issued a commentary on Cinna's Zmyrna. Wiseman, T.P., ‘Who was Crassicius Pansa?’, TAPA 115 (1985), 187–96Google Scholar, at 193, speculates that Antonius' Diomedeia was written in Greek. Coppola, A., ‘Diomede in età Augustea: appunti su Iullo Antonio’, Hesperia: studi sulla Grecità di Occidente 1 (1990), 125–38Google Scholar (otherwise helpful) implausibly conjectures a counter-Aeneas, thus counter-Augustan, treatment.

7 Wimmel, W., ‘Recusatio-Form und Pindarode’, Philologus 109 (1965), 83–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fraenkel, E., Horace (Oxford, 1957), 20–1Google Scholar; Calboli, G., ‘Zur Pindarode: Horaz und Terenz’, Philologus 141 (1997), 86–113, at 87–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 There are traces in the scholia of an alternative view, that Antonius himself aspired to imitate Pindar, and is being warned off: Botschuyver, H.J., Scholia in Horatium, vol. 4 (Amsterdam, 1942), 143–4Google Scholar. Compare the Pindarizing Titius of Epistles 1.3; and for interplay between Odes 4.2 and that poem, compare Pindarum quisquis studet aemulari (1) with fidibusne Latinis | Thebanos aptare modos studet (Ep. 1.3.12–13); laurea donandus Apollinari (9) with prima ... hederae victricis praemia (Ep. 1.3.25), each attached to a disjunctive catalogue; thyma (29) with thyma (Ep. 1.3.21); parvus (31) with non tibi parvum | ingenium (Ep. 1.3.21–2); vitulus ... | ... qui largis iuvenescit herbis | in mea vota (54–6) with pascitur in vestrum reditum votiva iuvenca (Ep. 1.3.36). The epistle acts a commentary on the ode: below, Section 4 (c) and n. 146.

9 So, for example, Kiessling and Heinze (n. 4), ad loc.; Fraenkel (n. 7), 433; Troxler-Keller, I., Die Dichterlandschaft des Horaz (Heidelberg, 1964)Google Scholar, 151; Syndikus (n. 2), 296–7; Harrison (n. 4), 109–10.

10 The supposed specificity is taken to be the product of (assumed) Senate preparations for the return: Fraenkel (n. 7), 433. Becker (n. 4), 126 rightly questions such a scenario.

11 Alter Homerus: Davis, G., ‘Quis … digne scripserit? The topos of alter Homerus in Horace C. 1.6’, Phoenix 41 (1987), 292–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., Polyhymnia: The Rhetoric of Horatian Lyric Discourse (Berkeley, 1991)Google Scholar, 38. Cf. Ep. 2.1.50 Ennius ... alter Homerus.

12 Syndikus (n. 2), 299 is in my view right to suggest that the ode is self-fulfilling (see below, Section 5 [b]); Putnam, M.C.J., Artifices of Eternity: Horace's Fourth Book of Odes (New York, 1986)Google Scholar, 54 n. 10 comments to the same effect.

13 Hyperbole: Fedeli and Ciccarelli (n. 4), 159; Thomas (n. 4), 116: ‘The excessive and Pindaric song …’.

14 As was seen by Becker (n. 4), 124–34. Calboli (n. 7), 92–5, 106–9 summarizes efforts to define the nature of the recusatio and to explain or emend concines. Antonius' poem as Pindarizing ode: Fraenkel (n. 7), 437; Thomas (n. 4), 104, 116. As epic: Harrison (n. 4), 115–22; Fedeli and Ciccarelli (n. 4), 156–7; a short survey of the matter at Di Liddo, A.D., ‘Pindarum quisquis studet aemulari (Hor. Carm. 4,2)’, Aufidus 18 (2004), 21–69Google Scholar, at 51 n. 125 (my thanks to Professor Alessandro Schiesaro for sending me this article).

15 See below, nn. 41, 88, 94, 95.

16 ‘Horace’ in inverted commas signifies the poet as character in the poem, as distinct from the historical Horace. Aemulatio of Pindar was claimed by Pancrates, presumably in his poetry: ps.-Plut. De mus. 1137f ἐζήλου γοῦν, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔφη, τὸν Πινδάρειόν τε καὶ Σιμωνίδειον τρόπον ...

17 Cf. Wimmel (n. 7), 95 (on Antonius); Calboli (n. 7), 107–8 adduces an interesting comparison with Terence as the Roman Menander.

18 Odes 4.8.18–19 (surely genuine: Harrison [n. 3], 39–40), on Scipio Africanus: ... eius qui domita nomen ab Africa | lucratus rediit ...

19 Anagram: Di Liddo (n. 14), 23 n. 9 and Fedeli and Ciccarelli (n. 4), 124, citing J. Starobinski. Acrostic: Thomas (n. 4), 104, citing John Henderson; see below, n. 104 for an allusion to the Aratean acrostic λεπτή (initial letters of Phaen. 783–7) in the last stanza. And see below, n. 120 for comparable letter-play in Pind. fr. 75 Ma. (dithyramb).

20 For σύνθετα (or διπλᾶ) ὀνόματα in the dithyramb, see Pickard-Cambridge, A.W., Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy (Oxford, 1927), 66–7Google Scholar; Ieranò, G., Il ditirambo di Dioniso: le testimonianze antiche (Pisa and Rome, 1997)Google Scholar, 298; Ford, A., ‘The poetics of dithyramb’, in Kowalzig, B. and Wilson, P. (edd.), Dithyramb in Context (Oxford, 2013), 313–31.Google Scholar

21 That ‘flight’ (etc.) appears in other genres is not an objection: what matters is the distinctive accumulation of references in context: see Ford (n. 20), 316–18. ‘Dithyrambic’ feathers are combined with ‘wax’ (ceratis), a poetic symbol evoked in Propertius' emulation of Philitas (4.6.3 ceraPhiliteis certet Romana corymbis; cf. F. Cairns, ‘Theocritus’ first Idyll: the literary programme', WS 17 [1983], 89–113, at 97–9, 101).

22 Cf. TLL 5.4.22–31 s.v. daedalus. For ‘dithyrambic’ application, cf. Pind. fr. 75.5 Ma. (Athens) πανδαίδαλον ... ἀγοράν; Simonides, FGE 28.2 δαιδάλεον τρίποδα. For ποικιλία in/of dithyramb, cf. Pratinas 708.10 PMG; Eur. Bacch. 1056–7; Plato, Laws 665c, 812d–e; Philodem. Pap. Herc. 994 col. 37.8–11 (πεποικιλμένα of Lasus' songs); Plut. Apophth. Lac. 238c; ps.-Plut. De mus. 1141d; Coll. Alex. p. 192 no. 22.1 Powell. See Ieranò (n. 20), 207–8, 210–11; J.C. Franklin, ‘“Songbenders of circular choruses”: dithyramb and the “demise of music”’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 213–36, at 216, 225.

23 Katapontismos: S. Lavecchia, ‘Becoming like Dionysus: dithyramb and Dionysian initiation’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 59–75, at 63–4, 66–8; Prop. 3.17.25–6 curvaque Tyrrhenos delphinium corpora nautas | in vada pampinea desiluisse rate. Vitreo suggests multi-coloured glass: Calboli (n. 7), 87 n. 3, citing Nisbet and Hubbard on Odes 1.17.20; the first syllable vit-, established as a ‘Dionysiac’ sound by Propertius (3.17.7, 15, 19, 23, 41), is echoed in the vari-coloured vitulus.

24 Cf. Becker (n. 4), 128.

25 Hymn: Fraenkel (n. 7), 435: ‘the hymn on the power of Pindar's song’. It has much in common with Lucretius' hymn to Epicurus (3.1–30), and, like it, proceeds from an avowedly non-competitive relationship to its model (Lucr. 3.5–6, non ita certandi cupidus quam ... | quod te imitari aveo); for Horace's linkage of Lucretian and Pindaric sublimity, see n. 27. Quinn, K., Horace: The Odes (London, 1980)Google Scholar, 301 observes that profundo ... ore (7–8) suggests Pindar as river-god: cf. Stat. Theb. 9.420, of Ismenos.

26 Factual cecidere implies historicity. Pindar/Centaurs: Galen, De usu part. vol. 3 pp. 169.15–170.7 K. For ‘falling’ of Dionysus' victims, cf. Eur. Bacch. 1112; Ov. Tr. 5.3.29.

27 This touches on Odes 4.2 and the ‘sublime’, explored in relation to physical height and depth, rise and descent, and authorial aspiration, set against ostensible diffidence/failure, by Hardie, P., ‘Horace's sublime yearnings: Lucretian ironies’, PLLS 13 (2008), 119–72Google Scholar, esp. 149–54; Hardie (pp. 150–1) observes a Lucretian antecedent for the Pindar-mountain torrent simile at DRN 1.280–9.

28 Edition: Freis, R., ‘The catalogue of Pindaric genres in Horace “Ode” 4.2’, CA 2 (1983), 27–36Google Scholar; Freis' views on catalogue order are refuted by Race, W.H., ‘P.Oxy 2438 and the order of Pindar's works’, RhM 130 (1987), 407–10Google Scholar. None the less, the allusion to catalogue arrangement by song-eidos is clear: Thomas (n. 4), 107 comments that ‘the whole passage functions both as catalogue and attenuated description, almost like a miniature of the Pinakes of Callimachus’.

29 For ‘Callimachean’ winged imagery applied to natural ability and imitation, see Steiner, D., ‘Feathers flying: avian poetics in Hesiod, Pindar and Callimachus’, AJPh 128 (2007), 177–208Google Scholar, esp. 203–5.

30 Similarly, Lucretius 3.10–13 (in hymn to Epicurus; above, n. 25) tuisque ex ... chartis | floriferis ut apes [!] in saltibus omnia libant | omnia nos itidem depascimur aurea dicta. Cf. Hor. Ep. 1.3.16–17; Cic. De or. 2.60 (the influence of Antonius' reading on his oratio). ‘Horace's’ emotional engagement (cf. Putnam [n. 12], 54) is inspired by reading; cf. Hardie, A., ‘Juvenal, the Phaedrus, and the truth about Rome’, CQ 48 (1998), 234–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 246–7. This ‘book-roll’ reading is consistent with the suggestion that the two-tone vitulus alludes to the poem-papyrus: Thomas (n. 4), 120, citing J. Henderson. See below, Section 7 on the background presence of the Palatine Library.

31 See Freis (n. 28), 30–31 (n. 7); cf. Hamilton, R., ‘The Pindaric dithyramb’, HSCPh 93 (1990), 211–22Google Scholar, esp. 215–16; Ieranò (n. 20), 214–18. The term deformazione is adopted from Cairns, F., Sextus Propertius: The Augustan Elegist (Cambridge, 2006), 105–9.Google Scholar

32 Wordplay: Verg. Aen. 6.204 discolor unde auri per ramos aura refulsit. For the rewards of praise-poetry, cf. Sat. 2.1.10–12 aude | Caesaris invicti res dicere, multa laborum | praemia laturus. For payments to kykliodidaskaloi, G. Ieranò, ‘“One who is fought over by all the tribes”: the dithyrambic poet and the city of Athens’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 368–86, at 370, 372, 377, citing Hdt. 1.24.1, Plato, Hipparch. 228c (Simonides). For the ‘inspiration’ of cash, cf. Pers. Prol. 12–14.

33 Cash reward: Isoc. 15.165–6 (Pindar and Athens). Theban fine: ps.-Aeschin. Ep. 4.2; other sources at van der Weiden, M.J.H., The Dithyrambs of Pindar (Amsterdam, 1991), 207Google Scholar; RE 20.1607. Cf. Ar. Birds 939 Πινδάρειον ἔπος (poet seeking gifts).

34 Cf. Odes 2.12.9–11, where Horace deflects to Maecenas the suggestion of a panegyric: tuque pedestribus | diceshistoriis proelia Caesaris, | Maecenas, melius. G. Maurach, Horaz: Werk und Leben (Heidelberg, 2001), 404 (drawing different conclusions) comments, ‘Und nun, trotz deutlicher Kontrastierung, kein “Du aber”, warum nicht?’. E.C. Wickham, Quinti Horati Flacci Opera Omnia, vol. 1: The Odes, Carmen Saeculare, and Epodes (Oxford, 1896 3)Google Scholar, ad loc. comments, ‘We should rather expect an emphatic “tu”’.

35 Odes 3.9: Nisbet, R.G.M. and Rudd, N., A Commentary on Horace: Odes Book III (Oxford, 2004), 133–4Google Scholar. On speaker-variation in Odes 4, see Hardie, A., ‘Horace, the paean and Roman choreia (Odes 4.6)’, PLLS 10 (1998), 251–93.Google Scholar

36 Odes 4.6.29–30 spiritum Phoebus mihi, Phoebus artem | carminis nomenque dedit poetae.Horace's criteria for nominis huius honorem (sc. poetae) are set out at Sat. 1.4.39–48. For this mode of address among poets, cf. Ov. Tr. 5.3.48 vos quoque, consortes studii, pia turba, poetae (see below, Section 7 for context). As Thomas (n. 4) notes ad loc., Horace deploys poeta only in these two places in the Odes, and it is beyond belief that the accolade should first be applied in jest to Antonius. Contrast Prop. 2.26.24 de nostro surge, poeta, toro.

37 For the wordplay, cf. Verg. G. 2.139–40 (turiferis ... tauri); Prop. 2.19.11–13; Ov. Tr. 2.1.75–6 sed tamen, ut fuso taurorum sanguine centum, | sic capitur minimo turis honore deus; Met. 7.588–95; cf. Ars am. 3.393 visite turicremas vaccae Memphitidos aras.

38 For incense at supplicatio, cf. e.g. Suet. Aug. 35. For incense as ‘humble sacrifice’, cf. e.g. Men. Dysc. 449; Anth. Pal. 9.93.4; Ov. Tr. 2.1.75–6; Hor. Odes 3.23.3, with Nisbet and Rudd's note.

39 Quinn (n. 25), 303, on 53–6 (dating the poem to Antonius' praetorship in 13) catches the distinction between Antonius' state offering and Horace's offering.

40 See Thomas (n. 4) on 41–4 (‘the language is formal and redolent of forensic oratory’); 42–3; Fedeli and Ciccarelli (n. 4), 163. Audiendum: for audire of those ‘qui ... audiuntur in iudicio’, TLL 2.1283–4; audiendus is a technical term for parties to an action with a legal right to be ‘heard’ (many instances in the Digest; cf. Tac. Hist. 2.10; also Cic. Mil. 65). For the general sense, cf. Cic. De or. 1.116 (Crassus) magnum ... est onus ... profiteri, se esse ... unum maximis de rebus magno in conventu hominum audiendum. Forensic and encomiastic: cf. Cic. De or. 2.65 (Antonius). Laudationes may be added to lites and deliberationes as genera dicendi. Bona pars: cf. Hor. Sat. 2.1.82–5. Horace reflects bilingual Greek/Latin etymologies of orator, from cursing and praying: cf. R. Maltby, A Lexicon of Ancient Latin Etymologies (Leeds, 1991), s.v. orator.

41 Cairns, F., Generic Composition in Greek and Roman Poetry (Edinburgh, 1972), 95–7Google Scholar (Odes 4.2.5–12 at 96); cf. 168, 187. I. Rutherford, ‘Dithyrambos, thriambos, triumphus: Dionysiac discourse at Rome’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 409–23, at 420–3, appears to support Cairns' views on Odes 4.2, with additional material on ‘Dionysiac victory celebration’, but challenges his wider conclusions: see below, n. 88.

42 For dithyrambos and Dionysus, Ieranò (n. 20), testimonia 2–23; for thriambos and dithyrambos, ibid., testimonium 2 (Ath. 1.30b, of Lampsacus). For triumphus, thriambos and dithyrambos, see Versnel, H.S., Triumphus: An Inquiry into the Origin, Development and Meaning of the Roman Triumph (Leiden, 1970), 16–55Google Scholar, esp. 21–5; Beard, M., The Roman Triumph (Cambridge, MA, 2007), 315–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 Cf. Eur. Bacch. 88–100, 519–27, with Dodds' note on 526. Etym. Mag. s.v.; Maltby (n. 40), s.v. Dithyrambus; Ford (n. 20), 322–3.

44 Thomas (n. 4), 107. Metrical licence: see the discussion in Freis (n. 28), 30–2, including the hypermetric phenomenon noted by Thomas. Cf. Odes 1.37.1 pede libero, with Hardie, A., ‘Horace Odes 1,37 and Pindar Dithyramb 2’, PLLS 1 (1977), 113–40Google Scholar, at 124.

45 Freis (n. 28), 32; Putnam (n. 12), 53.

46 Cic. De or. 3.185 ... inde hic licentior et divitior fluxit dithyrambus, cuius membra et pedes, ut ait idem [sc. Theophrastus], sunt in omni locupleti oratione diffusa. At 186, illa sine intervallis loquacitas perennis et profluens, a feature described as rudis et impolita, is to be avoided; and the desiderated rhythm is illustrated by analogy to water: detectable in falling drops, but not in amni praecipitante (that is, unbroken continuitas verborum; cf. Horace's verba devolvit [10]). For comment, including on Theophrastus' On Style as source, see Fortenbaugh, W.W., ‘Cicero as a reporter of Aristotelian and Theophrastean rhetorical doctrine’, Rhetorica 23 (2005), 37–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 49–52. Derivative appreciation of Theophrastus, rhetorical period and dithyramb, is preserved in two Sapphic stanzas by Rufinus of Antioch (Gramm. Lat. 6.567.20–5 Keil; testimonium 192b Ieranò).

47 For the rhetorical period, its Latin designations (ambitus, circuitus, circumscriptio), and the difference between it and oratio perpetua, see Lausberg, H., Handbook of Literary Rhetoric: A Foundation for Literary Study, trans. Bliss, M.T., Jansen, A. and Orton, D.E. (Leiden, 1998), 413–16Google Scholar.

48 For the dithyrambic background, Franklin (n. 22), 226–31. There was a separate rationale for the abandonment of antistrophic composition, in the rise of the solo professional: ps.-Arist. Prob. 918b13–30 (testimonium 76 Ieranò); Ieranò (n. 20), 229–30; A.E. Peponi, ‘Dithyramb in Greek thought: the problem of choral mimesis’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 353–67, at 362–4.

49 D'Angour, A., ‘How the dithyramb got its shape’, CQ 47 (1997), 331–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see below, (c) for extensum funem at Juv. 12.5. In a further illustration of the penetration of dithyrambic terms into rhetorical theory, the Pindaric σχοινοτένεια (‘rope-stretched’) reappears in Hermogenes (second century a.d.), of ‘long drawn-out’ expression in sub-units of the period (De inv. 1.5, 4.3, 4.4).

50 For allusion to cornua in curvatos, Varro, Ling. 7.25 cornua a curvore dicta, quod pleraque curva.

51 Schol. Aeschin. In Tim. 10 λέγονται δ' οἱ διθύραμβοι χοροὶ κύκλιοι καὶ χορὸς κύκλιος. RE 5.1217–18; Zimmermann, B., Dithyrambos: Geschichte einer Gattung (Göttingen, 1992), 24–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; P. Ceccarelli, ‘Circular choruses and the dithyramb in the Classical and Hellenistic period: a problem of definition’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 153–70. For the sound/shape-association of Liber's cornua and choroi: Odes 2.19.25 (choreis) and 29–30 (te [sc. Bacchus] vidit insons Cerberus ... | cornu decorum; Prop. 3.17.19 per te et tua cornua vivam and 21–2 dicam ... | Indica ... arma fugata choris. For the association of chorus and corona, see Maltby (n. 40), s.vv. chorus, corona.

52 Decurro itself is later drawn into rhetorical terminology in related contexts: TLL 5.232.14–23; cf. esp. Quint. Inst. 9.4.61 velut prono decurrentis orationis flumine.

53 High-flying swan: [Hes.] Scut. 316. For the swan's neck extended in flight, Hom. Il. 2.460; Bacchyl. 16.6 (dithyramb); Verg. Aen. 7.698–702, with Servius; cf. Isid. Orig. 12.7.18.

54 For echo of tractus (noun) in tractus (adjective), compare Cic. De or. 2.64 (Antonius) genus orationis fusum atque tractum, et cum lenitate quadam aequabili profluens ... persequendum est with 54 (Catulus) sed ... Coelius ... neque ... tractuorationis leni et aequabili perpolivit illud opus; and for the adjective, cf. also Cic. Orat. 66 (of historiography) sed in his tracta quaedam et fluens expetitur [sc. oratio]. The association of historiography with the strung-out style is foreshadowed in Aristotle's citation of Herodotus at Rh. 3.9.2; cf. esp. Lausberg (n. 47), 413, citing the third-century (?) rhetorician Aquila, De figuris 18 (on εἰρομένη λέξις) ea praecipue historiae et descriptioni convenit, quae tractum et fusum genus eloquendi, non conversum neque circumscriptum desiderat. For juxtaposition of periodic rotundity (figured as projectile in flight) and historiae, in a related context (the female criticus), cf. esp. Juv. 6.448–55, with Nadeau, Y., A Commentary on the Sixth Satire of Juvenal (Brussels, 2011), 260–2Google Scholar.

55 Verg. Aen. 8.722 (triumph) incedunt victae longo ordine gentes. The issue of execution at the carcer (not invariable practice) evidently does not arise. At least some leaders made it to the Capitoline temple (Beard [n. 42], 128–39), but there may well be a suggestion of clementia: cf. Sen. De clem. 1.21.2–3, with Braund's comment ad loc.

56 G. Hedreen, ‘The semantics of processional dithyramb: Pindar's Second Dithyramb and archaic Athenian vase-painting’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 171–97, esp. 191–4; cf. Rutherford (n. 41), 418–20, 421, 423, on ‘Dionysiac victory celebration’.

57 Concines and chorus: TLL 4.52 s.v. concino, I.A. ludus/dance: Verg. Aen. 8.717–18 laetitia ludisque viae plausuque fremebant; | omnibus in templis matrum chorus ... (see below, [f], with n. 83, for celebrations by ‘the whole city’, including Dionysiac street dances). TLL 7.1789.48–66 (parallel to Greek paidia for choreia: cf. Proclus ap. Phot. Bibl. 320b [testimonium 1 Ieranò], on the origin of dithyramb ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς ἀγροὺς παιδιᾶς). Ludi and choreae are juxtaposed at Tib. 1.7.49 (Messalla's birthday). Singular publicus ludus: cf. TLL 7.1783.73 (it is not metri gratia here).

58 Urbs and orbis: Varro, Ling. 5.143 orbis urbis principium (the etymology present, with explicit circularity, at Verg. Aen. 12.671–2, 762–3); for urbs, orbus and (implicit) orbis, cf. Ov. Am. 2.14.16–18. For the ideological significance, and identity of city and empire, Hardie, P., Virgil's Aeneid: Cosmos and Imperium (Oxford, 1986), 364–6.Google Scholar

59 Lucr. 2.320 et satiati agni ludunt blandeque coruscant, where ludunt alludes to proto-choric ‘play’ (above, n. 57) by the ‘sated’ (sc. satyric) lambs, again in contrast to forward progression, in the case the ‘creeping’ progression of sheep (318–19).

60 Steiner (n. 29).

61 Zimmermann (n. 51), 119–20. On this language, the comic ridicule it attracted, and its grounding in contemporary intellectual currents, see Ford (n. 20), 318–20, 326, 331.

62 (Paul.) Fest. p. 7 Lindsay altus ab alendo dictus. On Clouds 338, Ford (n. 20), 317.

63 Eur. Bacch. 519–31; cf. Prop. 3.17.33 mollia Dircaeae pulsabunt tympana Thebae.

64 For concines and ‘accompaniment’, cf. Ath. 617b–c (Pratinas' Hyporchema: the poet was angry ...) ἀγανακτεῖν τινας ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς αὐλητὰς μὴ συναυλεῖν τοῖς χοροῖς, καθάπερ πάτριον, ἀλλὰ τοὺς χοροὺς συνᾴδειν τοῖς αὐληταῖς. Lyre/pipe-accompaniment is at issue in the anticipated victory celebration in Epodes 9 (5–6): sonante mixtum tibiis carmen lyra | hac Dorium, illis barbarum; for the mixture of modes (Dorian/Phrygian) in the dithyramb, see L. Battezzato, ‘Dithyramb and Greek tragedy’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 100–2, citing Arist. Pol. 1342b7–12, P.Vindob. 19996a, fr. a I; see also Rutherford (n. 41), 414–15, citing Dion. Hal. Comp. 19. With Dorium cf. Pratinas' appeal to Dionysus to ‘hear my Dorian choreia’ (708.16 PMG, resisting the aulos); Telestes 806 PMG. Horace's anticipated carmen is recalled at Odes 4.15.30 Lydis remixto carmine tibiis (of music inter iocosi munera Liberi [!], 26).

65 Cf. Stat. Silv. 3.2.115–18, where Apis is juxtaposed with the ‘Hyblaean nectar’, i.e. honey, in which Alexander was preserved.

66 Lavecchia (n. 23), 67–8, noting (n. 58) Dionysus Dithyrambos as ‘bull-horned’ at Eur. Bacch. 100, with parallel material. Cf. Hor. Odes 2.19.29–30; Prop. 3.17.19; Tib. 2.1.3; Ov. Am. 3.15.7; Fast. 3.789. LIMC 3.1.440–1 (‘Dionysus tauromorphos’).

67 For the bull, Apis, Osiris and Dionysus, see Plut. Is. et Osir. 364f.; Merkelbach, R., Isis regina–Zeus Sarapis: Die griechisch-ägyptische Religion nach den Quellen dargestellt (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1995), 71–2Google Scholar. On Apis: RE 1.2807–9; Cook, A.B., Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1914), 432–7Google Scholar; Pease on Cic. Nat. 1.82; Malaise, M., Les conditions de pénétration et de diffusion des cultes égyptiens en Italie (Leiden, 1972), 212–14Google Scholar; LIMC 2.1.177–82. For selection of Apis as calf (μόσχος), cf. Hdt. 3.28; Aelian, HA 11.10; Anth. Pal. 7.744.4; Diod. Sic. 1.82.5; Euseb. Praep. evang. 2.1.50.

68 Epaphos: LIMC 5.1.663. Cf. Tib. 1.7.15–16 quantus et aetherio contingens vertice nubes | frigidus intonsos Taurus alat Cilicas, where Taurus (mountain) plays on Osiris/Dionysus as bull, and contingens on Apis as Epaphos (‘Touched’); and again, ‘clouds’ and ‘feeding’ are juxtaposed. See also Hunter, R., The Shadow of Callimachus: Studies in the Reception of Hellenistic Poetry at Rome (Cambridge, 2006), 54–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69 Antony and Osiris-Dionysus: Zanker, P., The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (trans. Shapiro, A.) (Ann Arbor, 1988), 46–7, 57–8Google Scholar. Antony spurns Apis: Dio 51.16.5; portents: ibid. 17.5. Augustus also declined to visit (Suet. Aug. 93; Orlin, E.M., ‘Octavian and Egyptian cults: redrawing the boundaries of Romanness’, AJPh 129 [2008], 231–53Google Scholar, at 234–5). A latter-day ‘Apis’, the Serbian Col. Dragutin Dimitijevič, directed the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

70 Mourning: cf. Call. Aetia fr. 54.16 H. (SH 254) (Victoria Berenices) εἰδυῖαι φαλιὸν ταῦρον ἰηλεμίσαι, echoed by Tibullus (1.7.27–8): te [sc. Nile] canit atque suum pubes miratur Osirim | barbara Memphiten plangere docta bovem; Hunter (n. 68), 59.

71 Ov. Met. 9.691; cf. Hdt. 3.28.3; Strabo 7.1.31 διάλευκος τὸ μέτωπον καὶ ἄλλα τινὰ μικρὰ τοῦ σώματος, τἆλλα [cf. cetera] δὲ μέλας; Plin. HN 8.184 insigne ei in dextro latere candicans macula cornibus lunae crescere incipientis; LIMC 2.1.175 s.v. ‘Apis’, nos. 12, 15; Vos, R.L., ‘“Varius coloribus Apis”: some remarks on the colours of Apis and other sacred animals’, in Clarysse, W., Schoors, A. and Willem, H. (edd.), Egyptian Religion: The Last Thousand years. Studies Dedicated to the Memory of Jan Quaegebeur, vol. 1 (Leuven, 1998), 709–18.Google Scholar

72 LIMC 2.2.175–81; for sun and moon together, nos. 7; 33. Cook (n. 67), 435–6. Cf. Porphyrius ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. 3.13.2 σελήνῃ δὲ ταῦρον ἀνέθεσαν, ὃν Ἆπιν ἐπονομάζουσιν, μέλανα μὲν καὶ αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἄλλους, φέροντα δὲ σημεῖα ἡλίου καὶ σελήνης, ὅτι καὶ τῆς σελήνης τὸ φῶς ἐξ ἡλίου. ἡλίου δὲ σημεῖον τὸ μέλαν τοῦ σώματος καὶ ὁ ὑπὸ τὴν γλῶτταν κάνθαρος. σελήνης δὲ σύμβολον τό τε διχότομον καὶ ἀμφίκυρτον.

73 Aelian, HA 11.10 καὶ γάρ τοι καὶ τὴν ἄνοδον τὴν τοῦ Νείλου ὑποδηλοῦν σημεῖά φασι. For familiarity at Rome, cf. Lucan 8.477–9 (on the priest Ancorus) hunc genuit custos Nili crescentis in arva | Memphis vana sacris; illo cultore deorum | lustra suae Phoebes non unus vixerat Apis; cf. Tib. 1.7.21–2 with 27–8; Stat. Silv. 3.2.115–16.

74 Klooster, J., ‘Horace, Carmen 4.2.53–60: another look at the vitulus’, CQ 63 (2013), 346–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, identifies an intertextual relationship between vitulus (in particular 57–8, fronte curvatos imitatus ignis | tertium lunae referentis ortum) and Arat. Phaen. 783–7, describing the horns of the moon on its third rising. Aratus' concluding reference (796–8) to the full ‘disc’ (κύκλος) of the horns and to ‘fierier’ (πυρώτερα) redness presaging ‘a more severe storm’, is echoed in curvatos ... ignis; cf. also Phaen. 802–4.

75 LIMC 4.1.141-4 s.v. ‘Fluvii’, nos. 1–25, 146–8. Good comments on the linkage in Porter, D.H., ‘The recurrent motifs of Horace Carmina IV’, HSCPh 79 (1975), 189–228, at 200Google Scholar; cf. Putnam (n. 12), 257.

76 Maltby (n. 40), s.v. uva; the etymology is present also at Odes 4.5.39 dicimus uvidi, and (of Bacchus) at Odes 2.19.18–20 tu ... uvidus ... coerces ... crines. For fertile Tibur and Dionysiac colouring, cf. Odes 4.3 Tibur ... fertile, 2.6.19 fertili ... Baccho, and Prop. 4.6.76 Bacche, soles Phoebo fertilis esse tuo. For dithyrambic flowers, cf. Bacchyl. 16.5, 34; 19.39–40 (Nile); and for flowers in Pindaric dithyramb, Hamilton (n. 31), 220.

77 Matine/Murge: EO 1.396–7 (Russi); the identification is not certain (cf. Di Liddo [n. 14], 42 n. 90). On the topographical issue, Nisbet and Hubbard on Odes 1.28.3; Watson, L.C., A Commentary on Horace's Epodes (Oxford, 2003)Google Scholar, 505, on Epodes 16.28.

78 Maltby (n. 40), s.v. Italia cites numerous Latin and Greek sources for this etymology.

79 Cairns (n. 31), 367, on Prop. 3.17. Dionysus/Italia at Odes 1.37.16, A. Hardie (n. 44), 134, citing Soph. Ant. 1117–18.

80 Dionysus/Osiris/Apis: Jenkins, I., ‘The masks of Dionysos/Pan – Osiris – Apis’, JDAI 109 (1994), 273–99Google Scholar; Apis in Italy (mostly post-Augustan), Kater-Sibbes, G.J.F. and Vermaseren, M.J., Apis II: Monuments from outside Egypt (Leiden, 1975), 9–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Augustus' policy towards Egyptian cult in this ‘Italian’ context, Orlin (n. 69), 248. For Augustan appreciation of allusion to Egyptian sacral matters, Hunter (n. 68), 54–61.

81 Wall-paintings: Balch, D.L., ‘The suffering of Isis/Io and Paul's portrait of Christ crucified (Gal. 3:1): frescoes in Pompeian and Roman houses and in the temple of Isis in Pompeii’, Journal of Religion 83 (2003), 24–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mino, M.R.S. Di (ed.), La Villa della Farnesina in Palazzo Massimo alle Terme (Milan, 1998)Google Scholar, 215.

82 This paragraph draws on Seaford, R., Reciprocity and Ritual: Homer and Tragedy in the Developing City-State (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar, 246. The classic statement of Dionysiac universality and the ‘entire city’ is Plato, Laws 665c; cf. Eur. Bacch. 208–9.

83 Eur. Bacch. 114–15, 1295; cf. Philodamus' Paian to Dionysus (text in W.D. Furley and J.M. Bremer, Greek Hymns, vol. 2: Greek Texts and Commentary [Tübingen, 2001], 53–7), 19–20. Cf. Plato, Laws 637b πᾶσαν ἐθεασάμην τὴν πόλιν περὶ τὰ Διονύσια μεθύουσαν. Streets/chorus-grounds: Eur. Bacch. 86–7; Dem. Or. 21.52 (Delphic oracle) μεμνῆσθαι Βάκχοιο, καὶ εὐρυχόρους κατ' ἀγυιὼς | ἱστάναι ὡραίων Βρομίῳ χάριν ἄμμιγα πάντας; Philod. Paian 144–7. Theoxenia/gods: Philod. Paian 8–9; cf. also Pind. fr. 75.1–2 Ma.

84 Procession, dithyramb and agora: Seaford (n. 82), 240–6; C. Sourvinou-Inwood, Tragedy and Athenian Religion (Lanham, 2003), 69–100; see below, Section 5 (d).

85 For dithyramb, civic cohesion and the removal of stasis, see B. Kowalzig and P. Wilson, ‘The world of dithyramb’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 1–27, at 11–13; Seaford (n. 82), 246 cites Diod. Sic. 3.64.7 ... πανταχοῦ πανηγύρεις ἄγειν καὶ μουσικοὺς ἀγῶνας συντελεῖν, καὶ τὸ σύνολον συλλύοντα τὰ νείκη τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων ἀντὶ τῶν στάσεων καὶ τῶν πολέμων ὁμόνοιαν καὶ πολλὴν εἰρήνην κατασκευάζειν.

86 Victory-shout in unison after agon: Eur. Bacch. 1131 ἦν δὲ πᾶσ' ὁμοῦ βοή (Maenads for Agave); cf. 1154 ἀναβοάσωμεν (chorus of Bacchae for Dionysus); Seaford, R., ‘The eleventh ode of Bacchylides: Hera, Artemis and the Absence of Dionysos’, JHS 108 (1988), 118–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 134.

87 Wissowa, G., Religion und Kultus der Römer (Munich, 1912 2), 423–6.Google Scholar

88 A. Hardie (n. 44); Macleod, C.W., ‘Horace and his lyric models: a note on Epode 9 and Odes 1.37’, Hermes 110 (1982), 371–5Google Scholar (Macleod, = C., Collected Essays [Oxford, 1983], 220–4)Google Scholar, argued for Epodes 9 as an ‘Archilochean dithyramb’ and as a dramatic counterpart to 1.37 (both dismissed by Rutherford [n. 41], 422); Macleod's identification is not discussed by Watson (n. 77), but see above, n. 64 for further support. On Tibullus 1.7, see Cairns, F., Tibullus: A Hellenistic Poet at Rome (Cambridge, 1979), 171–2.Google Scholar

89 Odes 3.25: implied at West, D., Horace Odes III. Dulce Periculum (Oxford, 2002)Google Scholar, 208. Prop. 3.17: Cairns (n. 41), 97 (modified in Cairns [n. 31], 364); cf. Miller, J.F., ‘Propertius' hymn to Bacchus and contemporary poetry’, AJPh 112 (1991), 77–86Google Scholar, at 79. Cairns, F., Virgil's Augustan Epic (Cambridge, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 102 suggests that the Actian triumph at the end of Aeneid 8 draws on the ‘dithyrambic genre’. Odes 1.15: see below, n. 119. None of the poems cited features in Rutherford's treatment of Roman dithyramb (n. 41).

90 G. D'Alessio, ‘“The name of the dithyramb”: diachronic and diatopic variations’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 113–32; Kowalzig and Wilson (n. 85), 7–13, 24–7; Ieranò (n. 20), 205–32, 321–8; C. Calame, ‘The dithyramb, a Dionysiac poetic form: genre rules and cultic contexts’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 332–52.

91 Plato, Resp. 394b–c (testimonium 205 Ieranò); ps.-Plut. De Mus. 1134e (testimonium 209 Ieranò); Calame (n. 90), esp. 335–6, 341–5, 346–9; Peponi (n. 48).

92 Dithyramb/lyric: Peponi (n. 48), 354–6. Tragedy: Battezzato (n. 64).

93 Rutherford (n. 41), 409–18.

94 A. Hardie (n. 44), 119–20, 130–2 (for an instance of the influence of tragedy on dithyramb, see now Battezzato [n. 64], 96–9); on the basis of a selective summary, Rutherford (n. 41), 422 finds ‘[n]one of this … persuasive’.

95 A. Hardie (n. 44), 122, 123–4, 127–8; Macleod (n. 88), 373 (= 222) n. 10 argued that the dramatic setting of Odes 1.37 is ‘the moment when news of Cleopatra's death reached Rome’; for the reasons presented in my own article (esp. pp. 120–2, 132), I believe that this is a misreading of the poem's syntactical treatment of the present occasion in relation to the past, as also of its sacral dynamics and its sequence of events (in particular, Octavian's reduction of the enemy forces to helplessness at Actium). 1.37 celebrates the triumph that is anticipated in the dithyrambic Epodes 9; but whereas the latter anticipates consumption of Caecuban at a symposium with Maecenas, 1.37 offers a public celebration with sacral-‘Dionysiac’ consumption of the wine. It is depressing to record the article's absence from the most recent commentary on 1.37 (and the unqualified transmission of orthodoxy).

96 Du Quesnay (n. 2), 132 n. 22.

97 Du Quesnay (n. 2), 132 n. 23, with bibliography. For impetrato Fedeli and Ciccarelli (n. 4), 163 cite TLL 7.599.23–4 for the sense ‘de quibusvis quae sacrificiis rite peractis vel precationibus a dis tribuuntur’; cf. CS 49–51; Ep. 2.1.137 (impetrat ... chorus).

98 Solvet echoes lege solutis (12) and alludes to Dionysus the ‘loosener’ or ‘liberator’ (Lyaeus), from λύω. Cf. esp. Epodes 9.37–8 curam ... iuvat | dulci Lyaeo solvere; also e.g. Prop. 3.17.5–6 per te [Bacchus/wine] iunguntur, per te solvuntur amantes: | tu vitium ex animo dilue, Bacche, meo.

99 Du Quesnay (n. 2), 161 n. 178, and the vota of the Trajanic Fratres Arvales cited there. For confirmation of the expeditionary context of exitus (and of ‘return’), cf. Odes 4.14.37–8 Fortuna ... | belli secundos reddidit exitus; Putnam (n. 12), 260–1.

100 Efficacious vota are made explicit (in the erotic sphere) at Odes 4.13.1–2: audivere, Lyce, di mea vota, di | audivere, Lyce: fis anus; Putnam (n. 12), 221. Odes 3.23 treats the efficacy of private and state sacrifices.

101 Pindaric efficacy: centum potiore signis | munere donat (19–20).

102 TLL 9.699.33ff. s.v. shows that operosa of elaborate workmanship of objects is a recent extension of this late-Ciceronian coinage. See TLL, ibid. 53ff. for active operosus ‘de eis qui (quae) magnam operam impendunt’; and ibid. 75–8 for ‘de medicamento ... efficaci’ (Cic. Fin. 1.72 artem ... tam ... operosam et perinde tam fructuosam points the way). For active operosa, linked with carmina, Ov. Met. 14.20–22 at tu, sive aliquid regni est in carmine, carmen | ore move sacro, sive expugnacior herba est, | utere temptatis operosae viribus herbae. For ‘hard-working’ and ‘achieving the sought-for effect’, cf. Ov. Fast. 1.101–2 (Janus to Ovid) disce ... vates operose dierum | quod petis (cf. 3.177). Pasco-Pranger, M., ‘Vates operosus: vatic poetics and antiquarianism in Ovid's Fasti’, CW 93 (2000), 275–91Google Scholar, at 275, 278, misses the point, connecting with poetic labor alone. For dual sense (as in operosa carmina), cf. Ov. Ars am. 1.399 tempora qui solis operosa colentibus arva (passive if taken with arva, active if with tempora).

103 Cf. Verg. G. 1.83 nec nulla interea est inaratae gratia terrae, with Mynors' note; add Plin. Pan. 31.1 omnibus equidem gentibus fertiles annos gratasque terras precor. For charis/Charites in dithyramb, cf. Pind. fr. 75.2 Ma.; Ol. 13.18–19; Bacchyl. 19.6, with Maehler, H., Die Lieder des Bakchylides 2: Die Dithyramben und Fragmente (Leiden, 1997)Google Scholar, 251; 23.7–8.

104 Klooster (n. 74), 350 observes interplay with the Aratean acrostic λεπτή (initial letters of lines 783–7), and its relevance for Horace's opening ‘Pindar-acrostic’ (above, Section 2, with n. 19); Pindar and Aratus are associated ‘by acrostic’ at start and finish.

105 Eur. Bacch. 66–7, 194, 1053, 1127–8; Ar. Frogs 402; cf. Philod. Paian (n. 83), 35–6; Apul. Met. 11.1, 6. For the extensive evidence for choric play around πόνοι in relation to musical τέχνη in satyric drama, see Seaford, R.A.S., Cyclops of Euripides (Oxford, 1984), 34–5Google Scholar. For choric πόνοι in Pindaric dithyramb, fr. 70d.16 Ma.

106 Troxler-Keller (n. 9), 47–69, esp. 63–4.

107 For sol, Apollo and Augustus in the context of the Actium triumph, see P. Hardie (n. 58), 355–7; for Apollo pulcher, Miller, J.F., Apollo, Augustus, and the Poets (Cambridge, 2009)Google Scholar, 116.

108 Laudande echoes laurea … donandus: Maltby (n. 40), s.vv. laurus, laus, citing Serv. Ecl. 8.12 cur ... triumphantes lauro coronentur, haec ratio est, quondam apud veteres a laude habuit nomen, nam laudum dicebant. μειξιβόαν διθύραμβον: Aesch. TrGF 3.355; Battezzato (n. 64), 95.

109 On this aspect of Philodamus' Paian, see Käppel, L., Paian: Studien zur Geschichte einer Gattung (Berlin and New York, 1992), 207–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Bacchylides 17, see now D. Fearn, ‘Athens and the empire: the contextual flexibility of dithyramb, and its imperialist ramifications’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 133–52, at 146–8.

110 On this subject, including interplay with Apollo, see now the discussion of T. Power, ‘Kyklops kitharoidos: dithyramb and nomos in play’, in Kowalzig and Wilson (edd.) (n. 20), 237–56, esp. 239–42.

111 Cf., with Becker ([n. 4], 129 n.11), the echo of stanzas 4–6 at Ars am. 83–5 Musa dedit fidibus divos puerosque decorum | et pugilem victorem et equum certamine primum | et iuvenum curas et libera vina referre, where the reference is to skolia, allied to Liber.

112 IG 13.833 bis (testimonium 92 Ieranò); Ieranò (n. 20), 252–5.

113 Z. Biles, ‘Celebrating poetic victory: representations of epinikia in classical Athens’, JHS 127 (2007), 19–37.

114 Schol. Ar. Frogs 320 (testimonium 45 Ieranò) ἢ κωμικὸς διθυραμβικά, τουτέστι Διονυσιακὰ δράματα ποιῶν. Ibid. 366 Κινησίαν τὸν διθυραμβοποιὸν κωμῳδεῖ, ὃς εἰσήνεγκεν ἐν δράματι τὴν Ἑκάτην. Cf. Suda κ 22. On Philoxenus' Cyclops, see Hordern, J.H., ‘The Cyclops of Philoxenus’, CQ 49 (1999), 445–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 452–3; Power (n. 110), 238; also, with different conclusions, Sutton, D.F., ‘Dithyramb as Δρᾶμα: Philoxenus of Cythera's “Cyclops or Galatea”’, QUCC 13 (1983), 37–43Google Scholar. Schol. Ar. Plutus 290 ... δρᾶμα τὴν Γαλάτειαν ἐποίησεν, ἐν ᾧ εἰσήγαγε τὸν Κύκλωπα ἐρῶντα τῆς Γαλατείας. Zenobius (second cent. a.d.) Cent. 5.45 (824 PMG) Κύκλωψ γάρ ἐστι δρᾶμα Φιλοξένου τοῦ ποιητοῦ ... The Suda notice on Telestes (τ 265), Τελέστης, κωμικός. τούτου δράματά ἐστιν Ἀργὼ καὶ Ἀσκληπιός, refers to dithyrambs: Hordern (cited above), 455. Although all of late date, the testimonia derive from earlier assessment: cf. Pickard-Cambridge (n. 20), 134–5; Sutton (cited above), 38.

115 Plato, Resp. 397a; cf. esp. Ar. Plut. 290–91 (parody of Philoxenus' Cyclops) τὸν Κύκλωπα μιμούμενος; 302–6 Ἐγὼ δὲ τὴν Κίρκην ... μιμήσομαι πάντας τρόπους; 312 τὸν Λαρτίου μιμούμενοι τῶν ὄρχεων κρεμῶμεν. Zimmermann (n. 51), 127–8; Hordern (n. 98), 453. On the dithyramb, choros and mimēsis, Peponi (n. 48), esp. 359–67. On dramatic scenes, Power (n. 110), 244–6.

116 Calame (n. 90), 346–52.

117 Merkelbach, Ephebes: R., ‘Der Theseus des Bakchylides (Gedicht fuer ein attisches Ephebenfest)’, ZPE 12 (1973), 56–62Google Scholar; Maehler (n. 103), 211–12.

118 Hordern (n. 114), 452 dates the introduction of soloists to the later fourth century, and notes that ‘the evidence for soloists in the classical dithyramb is generally weak’.

119 Porph. on Hor. Odes 1.15, with reference to Bacchyl. fr. 23 (Cassandra); Maehler (n. 103), 268, 270–1; Fraenkel (n. 7), 189–90; cf. Nisbet, R.G.M. and Hubbard, M., A Commentary on Horace: Odes Book I (Oxford, 1970), 188–9.Google Scholar

120 Sourvinou-Inwood (n. 84), 96–8. Dionysus and the Zeus-led twelve Olympians intersect in the appeal ἴδετε … δεύτερον (8) which includes a playful echo of the opening summons to the twelve gods to join the dithyrambic chorus (δεύτερον/δεῦτ' ἐν χορόν).

121 Greek choric conventions in Odes 4.6 are discussed in A. Hardie (n. 35).

122 4.1 and 4.2: Putnam (n. 12), 54 with n. 10. Here is an indicative list of further linkages, which has no claim to completeness (line numbers in 4.2 given first). Between 4.2 and 4.3: Tiburtine waters, nemora (30/11) and fertility (30–31/10), plus fingere (32/12); games victors (boxer/horse, 18/4); triumphator and laurel corona (35–6/6–7). Between 4.2 and 4.4: cetera fulvus (60, cf. Antonius' mother Fulvia?)/fulvae matris (14); bull-river god/Metaurum flumen (above, 4 [e]/38); sol pulcher (46–7)/pulcher dies (39–40). Between 4.2 and 4.5: reditus of Augustus (43/3); vota (56/13); sun-imagery (46/5–8); divi boni (38/1); uvidus (30/39). Between 4.2 and 4.6: poeta (33)/nomen poetae (30). Between 4.2 and 4.8: acquisition of nomen (4/18); munus (20/12) and donare (9, 20/1, 3, 12); poems and statues (19–20/2, 7); Liber and vota (56/34). Between 4.2 and 4.9: Pindar/Pindaricae Camenae (1, 8/6–8); poetic immortality after death (23–4/passim). Between 4.2 and 4.14: river-god (Pindar) and Apis/tauriformis Aufidus (above, 4 [e]/25, Tiberius); the Sygambri (36/51).

123 The quest for an over-arching unity within the ode-book is of course not new: Porter (n. 75) supplied some foundations; most important are Putnam (n. 12), 24, 291–306, 307–26, 327–8 and passim; and Kerckhecker, A., ‘Zur Komposition des vierten Horazischen Odenbuches’, Antike und Abendland 34 (1988), 124–43Google Scholar (noted by the referee); cf. also Thomas (n. 4), 7–10, citing Dettmer, H., Horace: A Study in Structure (Hildesheim, 1983), 484–523.Google Scholar

124 Quinn (n. 25), 303; N. Holzberg, Horaz: Dichter und Werk (Munich, 2010), 185.

125 Epode 9: Watson (n. 77), 311; Kraggerud, E., Horaz und Actium: Studien zu den politischen Epoden (Oslo, 1984)Google Scholar (noted by the referee). Odes 3.6: id., ‘The sixth Roman Ode of Horace: its date and function’, SO 70 (1995), 54–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

126 Du Quesnay (n. 2).

127 Cf. Du Quesnay (n. 2), 134–5.

128 For the near-exclusive application of the adjective to the Ludi, TLL 1.248.16–24. For the celebrations, see Du Quesnay (n. 2), 140–1.

129 The Ludi Apollinares were established following promulgation of two carmina Marciana (Livy 25.12): one ‘predicted’ the defeat at Cannae, with a warning to the ‘Trojan-born’ not to engage the enemy on the Apulian ‘plain of Diomedes’ (cf. Antonius' Diomedeia?); and the other predicted that the Carthaginians would be driven from Italy if ludi were vowed to Apollo. Praetor urbanus: Livy 25.12.10 (paraphrasing the carmina Marciana) iis ludis faciendis praeerit praetor is, qui ius … dabit summum; Ryan, F.X., ‘Die Apollinarspiele zur Zeit der Republik’, Aevum 80 (2006) 67–104, at 91–6.Google Scholar

130 Versnel (n. 42), 129–31.

131 Victoria: Ryan (n. 129), 84 with n. 51. Horse/chariot racing: ibid., 88. People wreathed: ibid. Palma: Cic. Att. 4.15.6. In July 44, Antonius' uncle Gaius took over from Marcus Brutus the responsibilities of praetor urbanus, and with them the staging of the Ludi Apollinares (MRR 2.319); this was a key event in the tussle between Caesarians and conspirators for the favour of Apollo (A. Gosling, ‘Octavian, Brutus and Apollo: a note on opportunist propaganda’, AJPh 107 [1986], 586–9), and in that sense a precursor for the post-Actium strategy of recovering Liber for Augustus and Italy.

132 Good comments in Putnam (n. 12), 254–6 on venerantur, its evocation of Propertius 3.4 and 3.5, and of Venus as goddess of love/peace.

133 Putnam (n. 12), 240–1 (on 4.2, 4.5, 4.14); 256–7 (on 4.2 and 4.14).

134 Cairns (n. 31), 366, on Prop. 3.17.

135 Pindar and rhetoric: with Pindarus ore, cf. the etymology orator ab ore: Varro, Ling. 6.76; Isid. Orig. 10.195; and cf. Enn. Ann. 304–5 Sk.; Plaut. Merc. 176; Cic. Phil. 5.20; Rep. 3.8.

136 A. Hardie (n. 44), 127–8; this lies at the heart of Odes 1.37's identity as a dithyramb.

137 Versnel (n. 42), 251.

138 Hedreen, G., ‘The return of Hephaistos, Dionysiac processional ritual and the creation of a visual narrative’, JHS 124 (2004), 38–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 45–50.

139 Poetics: Becker (n. 4), 129, with cross references to the Ars poetica. Putnam (n. 12), 51–62, 312.

140 LTUR 1.153 s.v. ‘Bacchus (Palatium)’ (E. Rodríguez Almeida).

141 Luck, G., P. Ovidius Naso: Tristia, vol. 2 (Heidelberg, 1977)Google Scholar, 290 connects the occasion with the Liberalia.

142 Collegium: Luck (n. 141), 290; Ov. Tr. 5.3.47 consortes studii, pia turba, poetae, with Luck ad loc. Cultores: Tr. 15 sacris hederae cultoribus; 34. Chorus: Tr. 52 nostri pars modo Naso chori (cf. Odes 4.3.15; Prop. 4.6.70; Stat. Silv. 2.7.23). Nomina: Tr. 49 Nasonis nomine dicto; 58 inter vos nomen habete meum; the collegiate ‘name’ dimension is on display in the Acta Fratrum Arvalium which routinely record the names of members of the collegium physically present at each and every meeting. Statue and altar: cf. Tr. 33–4 et potes aspiciens circum tua sacra poetas | ‘nescioquis nostri’ dicere ‘cultor abest’. For the Greek literary and cultic roots of shared musical activity as member of the god's chorus, Hardie, A., ‘Sappho, the Muses, and life after death’, ZPE 154 (2005), 13–32Google Scholar, esp. 14–20, 29–32; id., ‘Muses and mysteries’, in Murray, P. and Wilson, P. (edd.), Music and the Muses: The Culture of Mousikē in the Classical Athenian City (Oxford, 2004), 11–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 19–21.

143 Thus Rodríguez Almeida (n. 140), with specialist bibliography.

144 Rodríguez Almeida (n. 140): ‘Tutto fa pensare che si tratti di un'opera augustea nel complesso della sua casa palatina.’

145 Thus, Rodríguez Almeida (n. 140) with the tentative support of Cairns (n. 31), 369.

146 Cf. Hor. Ep. 1.3.17 scripta Palatinus quaecumque recepit Apollo; 2.1.216–17 si munus Apolline dignum | vis complere libris et vatibus addere calcar …

147 The relationship between the Palatine temples of Apollo and Liber works also in the other direction: Propertius' concluding call in at 4.6.71–86 (after celebration of Apollo Palatinus) for a vinous celebration at which poems on recent victories in war are to be performed includes these lines (75–7): ingenium potis irritet Musa poetis. | Bacche, soles Phoebo fertilis esse tuo. | ille paludosos memoret servire Sygambros …, again with reference to the Palatine library; for discussion of the dramatic/topographical scenario here, see Hutchinson, G.O., Propertius Elegies Book IV (Cambridge, 2006)Google Scholar, 153.

148 Kiessling and Heinze (n. 4), 429 suggested that Odes 4.8 was performed on this occasion, eliciting an unduly sharp reaction from Barchiesi, A., ‘Poetry, praise, and patronage: Simonides in Book 4 of Horace's Odes’, ClAnt 15 (1996), 5–47Google Scholar, at 13 n. 15.

149 Miller (n. 89), 78–9, observing that ‘the hymnic elegy now ending has itself been an attempt to best the lyric poet’.

150 Odes 3.25.17–18 nil parvum aut humili modo | nil mortale loquar; Prop. 3.17.39–40 haec ego non humili referam memoranda coturno, | qualis Pindarico spiritus ore tonat; Odes 4.2.8 Pindarus ore. Prop. 3.17.1 (nunc) echoes the opening of Odes 1.37 (nunc, the only extant parallel at that date); and 39–40 echoes Odes 1.37.32 non humilis mulier triumpho, with ‘tragic’ overtones (coturno, with reference to the ‘tragic’ content of the Cleopatra-ode: Hardie [n. 44], 119–20 with n. 23).

151 Stat. Silv. 1.2.258 (to Stella) multumque pares bacchamur ad aras; this recollection, again with Dionysiac dissolution of distinctions of rank, follows an invitation to the poets of Rome to ‘compete’ (certare, 248) with ivy crowns (249) to celebrate Stella's wedding.