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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 January 2021
The Bellum ciuile has been the subject of three major editions in the past thirty years, attributable to D.R. Shackleton Bailey, R. Badalì and G. Luck. The existence of these three works highlights the resurgence of sustained interest surrounding Lucan as of the 1970s, with the publication of two significant works, Lucan: An Introduction by F. Ahl and the collective volume of Entretiens à la fondation Hardt, yet it also demonstrates the difficulty in establishing the text of the Pharsalia.
1 Bailey, D.R. Shackleton, M. Annaei Lucani De bello civili libri X (Stuttgart, 1988)Google Scholar; Badalì, R., Lucani opera (Rome, 1992)Google Scholar; and Luck, G., Lukan. De bello civili. Der Bürgerkrieg (Stuttgart, 2009)Google Scholar.
2 Ahl, F., Lucan: An Introduction (London, 1976)Google Scholar.
3 Durry, M., Lucain: sept exposés, suivis de discussions (Geneva, 1968)Google Scholar.
4 The Latin text is from the edition by Shackleton Bailey (n. 1), generally considered as the standard-reference edition. The critical apparatus is my own. Abbreviations used for the manuscripts are those of Hosius, C., M. Annaei Lucani Belli civili libri decem (Leipzig, 1913 3)Google Scholar, adhered to by more recent editors. Use of the letter v in superscript followed by an abbreviation indicates, in the manuscript in question, that the reading is presented as a variant, most frequently introduced by uel, whilst the number 2 in superscript signifies a correction, designed to replace the reading of the first hand. The siglum S refers to manuscript Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 863.
5 Jever, E. Clercq Van, Specimen selectarum obseruationum in M. Annaei Lucani Pharsaliam (Amsterdam, 1772), 46Google Scholar.
6 See Luc. 2.577 exactum … conderet orbem, Juv. 8.145 tempora … uelas adoperta or Stat. Silu. 1.2.77 edomui uictum (see note by G. Liberman, Stace, Silves [Paris, 2010], ad loc.).
7 Marti, B., Arnulfi Aurelianensis glosule super Lucanum (Rome, 1958), 75Google Scholar: REVOCANT id est representant singulis annis quomodo in Almone fuit prius lota and Hudson-Williams, A., ‘Notes on some passages of Lucan’, CQ 34 (1984), 452–63, at 454CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The most recent critics to have discussed the passage, Hudson-Williams included, seem to overlook the note by Arnulf d'Orléans; yet the former supports this interpretation, which is largely accepted today.
8 See Luc. 2.227–8 maxima merces | Roma recepta fuit; Cic. Att. 7.11.4 fugiens denique Pompeius mirabiliter homines mouet; Caes. BCiu. 1.26.2 ea res saepe temptata … tardabat.
9 It is this part of Cybele's cult that is described by most ancient authors. See Graillot, H., Le culte de Cybèle mère des dieux à Rome et dans l'empire romain (Paris, 1912), 137–8Google Scholar.
10 Cumberland, R., M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia (Strawberry Hill, 1760), 57Google Scholar and Luck (n. 1), ad loc.
11 Weber, K.F., M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1821), 410–11Google Scholar and Graillot (n. 9), 140 n. 3. Graillot, referring solely to Lucan's text and to the Commenta Bernensia, makes the assumption that the role of the quindecimuiri was to deliver ‘an oration, requesting the Great Mother to return the town’. This hypothesis is founded entirely on the verb reuocare, which creates difficulty. However, it is important to highlight that, whilst line 600 concerns transportation of the statue, the proper term to describe this action would be reuehunt, as proposed by Bentley, rather than reuocant.
12 Livy 29.10.8.
13 Livy 29.14.10. Publius Cornelius Scipio had to move the statue from the boat to land, whilst the women were responsible for transporting the statue on land.
14 Ov. Fast. 4.305–45 and [Aur. Vict.] De uir. ill. 46.
15 Livy 29.14.12.
16 Ov. Fast. 4.297.
17 See Lucr. 2.618–23 and Graillot (n. 9), 140.
18 Livy 39.41.4 priscos mores.
19 Juv. 2.30 amaras leges.
20 Sen. HF 841 quinta cum sacrum reuocauit aestas.
21 The difficulty in illustrating such a meaning for reuocare is evinced by the fact that Hudson-Williams ended up providing examples using the verbs referre and repetere (Hudson-Williams [n. 7], 454).
22 See n. 7 above.
23 Martial 3.47.1–2 implies that the purpose of the lauatio was to clean the blood spilled on various objects used in Cybele's cult by the Galli.
24 Burman, P., M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia cum commentario Petri Burmanni (Leiden, 1740)Google Scholar, ad loc. (the conjecture is also attributed to Schrader in the edition by C.M. Francken, M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia cum commentario critico [Amsterdam, 1896–7], ad loc.) and J.-H. Withof, Encaenia critica, siue Lucanus, Arrianus et Maximianus integrati restituti (Wesel, 1741), 29.
25 Getty, R.J., M. Annaei Lucani De bello ciuili liber I (Cambridge, 1940), 111Google Scholar. See Heitland, W.E., ‘Francken's edition of Lucan’, CR 11 (1897), 35–43, at 41Google Scholar.
26 Graillot (n. 9), 136–7.
27 Sil. Pun. 8.362–3.
28 The concept concerning the change in the state of Cybele after the lauatio also appeared in Valerius Flaccus 8.240 laetaque iam Cybele. See Stat. Silu. 5.1.223–4 containing the concept that Cybele is set free from lamentation.
29 Livy 5.52.9: instauratio sacrorum auspiciorumque renouatio.
30 Cic. Nat. D. 2.61: uides Virtutis templum, uides Honoris a M. Marcello renouatum.
31 Cic. Nat. D. 2.118 ignem, a quo … renouatio mundi fieret.
32 Cic. Rep. 5.2: nostra uero aetas cum rem publicam sicut picturam accepisset egregiam, sed iam euanescentem uetustate, non modo eam coloribus isdem quibus fuerat renouare neglexit.
33 Ov. Fast. 4.339–40.
34 Prescendi, F., ‘Quindecimviri sacris faciundis populi Romani’, ThesCRA 5 (Los Angeles, 2005), 80–2, at 81Google Scholar.
35 Gramm. Lat. 5.524.33 Keil: unde Lucanus: septemuirque epulis festus.
36 Grotius, H., M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia siue de bello ciuili Caesaris et Pompeii libri X (Antwerp, 1614)Google Scholar, ad loc. See Bersman's note in Oudendorp's edition (F. Oudendorp, M. Annaei Lucani Cordubensis Pharsalia. Siue Belli ciuilis libri decem [Leiden, 1728], ad loc.).
37 See AE 1990, 126; 1995, 194; CIL 6.1511, 6.1533, 6.1553, etc. and also Plin. Ep. 2.11.12. The term septemuir is also found. See S. Estienne, ‘Septemviri epulones’, ThesCRA 5 (Los Angeles, 2005), 83–4, at 83.
38 Housman, A.E., M. Annaei Lucani Belli ciuilis libri decem (Oxford, 1926), 26Google Scholar.
39 For quindecimuiri sacris faciundis, see above. For duumuir iure dicendo, see AE 1912, 00238; AE 1913, 00086; AE 1951, 00157d.
40 See Tac. Ann. 1.65 cum barbari festis epulis … saltus complerent; cf. Hor. Epod. 9.1 ad festas dapes.
41 D.R. Shackleton Bailey, Homoeoteleuton in Latin Dactylic Verse (Stuttgart, 1994), 37 (see D.R. Shackleton Bailey, ‘Lucan revisited’, PCPhS 33 [1987], 74–91, at 88–9). Lucan does not use this form of homeoteleuton, with the exception of 5.110, if we were to construct sterilis with telluris, which is altogether unclear.
42 Luc. 2.194.
43 Luc. 7.456.
44 Luc. 5.43.
45 Hoffmann, J.B. and Szantyr, A., Lateinische Syntax und Stylistik (Munich, 1972), 99Google Scholar refers to the phrase receptui signum (Livy 9.14.12, 23.37.7, etc.). For this process in Indo-European languages, see Brugmann, K., Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen, vol. 2 (Strasbourg, 1906–17), 561–2Google Scholar and Brugmann, K., Die Syntax des einfachen Satzes im Indogermanischen (Berlin, 1925), 105CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
46 CIL 4.7436, 4.7863.
47 CIL 4.7132, 4.7913 (see CIL 4.7692). This is, of course, the way in which V.A.S.P. abbreviations are articulated in which the second P is missing (see, contra, AE 1912, 234; CIL 4.7963a, 4.9898). It seems more logical to omit the last term, procurandis, since it is obvious that the magistrates would be required to manage roads, temples and celebrations, whilst the adjective publicis characterizes the exact type of celebration in question (see Cic. Har. resp. 12), which therefore suggests that it is more vital. The title referred to in CIL 4.9898 is simply IIuirum uiis aedibus sacris, which, once again, suggests that omitting procurandis is a possibility. All these examples are voter registrations from Pompeii, and so do not necessarily retain full titles, as a poet may wish to do.
48 Housman (n. 38), 27.
49 perpetua autem consuetudo poetarum est, adiecta ubi duo adsunt nomina, illi aptare, cui ex uulgari modo loquendi non debebant. K.F. Weber, M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia … editionem morte Cortii interruptam … (Leipzig, 1828–9), ad loc.
50 TLL 6.630.13–34.
51 TLL 6.630.62–631.9.
52 Hor. Carm. 3.18.12; Sen. Ag. 311, 643–5, 780. See Claud. Get. 206 festae doleant ne tristibus aures.
53 Latte, K., Römische Religionsgeschichte (Munich, 1960), 251 and 398–9Google Scholar. See n. 40 above.
54 Barth's conjecture (lato; see Weber [n. 49], ad loc.) will not be discussed in detail here. Oudendorp's rebuttal of this (Oudendorp [n. 36], ad loc.), which points out that parallels drawn by Barth are completely unconnected to the role of the Salii, seems sufficient.
55 Cumberland (n. 10), 58. lento, put forward by a second source, appears as a variant in MS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussicher Kulturbesitz, lat. 2° 35.
56 Jahnke, R., Comoediae Horatianae tres (Leipzig, 1891), 30Google Scholar; Luck (n. 1), ad loc. No justification for this conjecture or for its incorporation in Lucan's text can be found in any of the passages.
57 Juv. 2.125–6: arcano qui sacra ferens nutantia loro | sudauit clipeis ancilibus.
58 Housman (n. 38), ad loc., which follows Burman (n. 24), ad loc.
59 Valerius Flaccus 1.109. Further uses of adjectives referring to emotion in relation to body parts can be found in the following: Catull. 46.8 iam laeti studio pedes uigescunt; Ov. Am. 1.6.67 non laetis detracta corona capillis; Ov. Ars am. 1.320 et tenuit laeta paelicis exta manu.
60 nec tamen effecit ut prauae interpretationes coniecturaeque proferri desinerent.
61 See in particular Oudendorp (n. 36), ad loc. or the comment made by Cortius on line 603 in Weber (n. 49), ad loc.
62 Apul. Met. 10.34: Venus uero faudens et hilaris laetitiam suam saltando toto cum choro professa est.
63 Accius, Bacchae frr. 213–14 Warmington = 249 Ribbeck: laetum in Parnaso inter pinos tripudiantem in circulis | ludere.
64 Curt. 7.10.4: qui ubi per interpretem cognouerunt iussu regis ipsos ad supplicium trahi, carmen laetantium modo canere tripudiisque et lasciuiori corporis motu gaudium quoddam animi ostentare coeperunt.
65 Helbig, W., ‘Sur les attributs des Saliens’, Mémoires de l'Institut national de France 37 (1906), 205–76, at 266 and 276CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
66 Sen. Tranq. 17.4: non molliter se infringens … ut antiqui illi uiri solebant inter lusum ac festa tempora uirilem in modum tripudiare, non facturi detrimentum etiam si ab hostibus suis spectarentur.
67 Livy (1.20.4) indicates that the dance of the Salii is of a solemn nature (cum tripudiis sollemnique saltatu).
68 The plural of ancilia and the use of the verb portare indicate that the Salii are carrying several shields, in the way that luggage or loads are carried, as opposed to a singular piece of equipment.
69 This factor explains the rotational movement of the ancilia referred to by Juv. 2.125–6: arcano qui sacra ferens nutantia loro | sudauit clipeis ancilibus. The bars are clearly depicted on two engraved stones: sard (A. Furtwängler, Die antiken Gemmen [Leipzig, 1900], Pl. XXII, 64; Helbig [n. 65], 208, Fig. 1) and carnelian (Furtwängler [this note], Pl. XXII, 62; Helbig [n. 66], 206, Fig. 3).
70 The same concept can also be found further on at Luc. 9.477–9 as well as in Val. Max. 1.1.9 and Juv. 2.125–6. Nevertheless, it is plausible that the sacred shields were more often carried by servants, as is the case in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.71 and in two old iconographic representations (Helbig [n. 65], 221–2).
71 No member of a sodality, pontiff, flamen or sacerdos is described as laetus in Latin literature. It could be argued that this epithet does not correspond with the sanctity of their role.
72 Pacuvius, fr. 231 Warmington = 218 Ribbeck.
73 Pers. 2.53.
74 Verg. Aen. 7.188: laeuaque ancile gerebat.
75 See note 70. If the bar seemed to be placed on the right shoulder on the sard stone, this is in actual fact due to it being a stamp, and therefore the image we see is inverted.
76 Stat. Theb. 8.747 spirantem laeuaque super ceruice reportat; Silu. 4.8.48 uolucrem laeua ceruice sedentem; Pers. 2.53–4 sudes et pectore laeuo | excutiat guttas laetari praetrepidum cor.
77 Preserved at the Museo Gregoriano Profano (item 9534; see reproduction in T. Schäfer and J. Ganzert, ‘Zur Ikonographie der Salier’, Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 95 [1980], 365–8, at 365, Pls. 22–3).
78 A man can be seen carrying a bar on his shoulder with the shields attached to it in the preserved fragment. Whilst the bar itself is visible, the movement made with his left arm is reminiscent of what can be seen on the two stones mentioned above: it is crossed over his torso in order to hold the bar placed on the opposite shoulder, which is therefore the right shoulder.
79 See TLL 7.2.883.75.
80 See S. Estienne, ‘Saliens (Salii Palatini, Salii Collini)’, ThesCRA 5 (Los Angeles, 2005), 85–7, at 85.
81 Luc. 1.604.
82 ancilia for the Salian, apex for the flamen.
83 Val. Max. 2.7.7. G. Wakefield, T. Lucreti Cari De rerum natura libri sex (Glasgow, 1813), 262 notes another example where confusion occurs between laetus and laesus in his conjectural rendering of Sen. QNat. 3.7.25.
84 Changes made to the edition by Shackleton Bailey appear in bold. The abbreviation O indicates agreement of all non-cited manuscripts, incidentally in critical unity.