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Of Crowds and Empires: Afro-Asian Riots and European Expansion, 1857–1882

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Juan R. I. Cole
Juan R. I. Cole
Affiliation:
University of Michigan
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Extract

Comparative studies pose special problems for historians, given their long tradition of being wed to the political history of individual countries and given the limitations of their methods, which lend themselves to (at most) middlerange generalizations. Sociology and anthropology have always seemed better poised to deal with the big questions across cultures. The rise of social history, however, provides new opportunities for comparative studies, insofar as such social entities and processes as cities, social classes, crowds, and women lend themselves better to comparison than do micropolitics within the framework of a single country's history. Despite these new possibilities, most historians demand intense contextualization and mistrust secondary sources, making it difficult for one scholar to master the relevant languages and archives in more than one culture, or to pose a broad enough question for comparative analysis. Much social history, even by the most sociologically minded historian, is likely to be based on archives and concerned largely with a single country or culture. Social historians can, however, legitimately inject a comparative element into their writing by paying special attention to the international aspects of their subject and by considering their works about particular social groups in individual countries as case studies in related phenomena.

Type
Colonial Boundaries
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 31 , Issue 1 , January 1989 , pp. 106 - 133
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1989

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References

Thanks are due to Raymond Grew and David Feldman for reading and commenting crucially on an earlier draft of this paper.

1 A good example here is Tilly, Charles, The Contentious French (Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1986), a study of social violence by a leading proponent of sociological and quantitative methods in history, which nevertheless focuses on a single country through its archives in a manner most sociologists would not feel constrained to do. Tilly does compare regions within France.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 See in general Rudé, George, The Crowd in History: A Study of Popular Disturbances in France and England, 1730–1848 (New York:John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1964);Google ScholarTilly, , The Contentious French; the Tilly family's The Rebellious Century, 1830–1930 (Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1975);Google ScholarHolton, Robert J., “The Crowd in History: Some Problems of Theory and Method,” Social History, 3 (1978), 219–33;CrossRefGoogle ScholarDavis, Natalie Zemon, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford:Stanford University Press, 1979), esp. chs. 1, 6.Google Scholar

3 Despite the obvious possibilities, the Middle Eastern crowd in the pre-industrial period has been little studied; but see Raymond, André, “Quartiers et mouvements populaires au Caire au XV?eme siecle,” in Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt, Holt, P. M., ed. (London:Oxford University Press, 1968), 104–14,Google Scholar and the same author's “Deux leaders populaires au Caire á la fin du XVIlle et au debut du XIXe siécle,” La nouvelle revue du Caire, 1 (Annual, 1975), 281–398;Google ScholarAbrahamian, Ervand, “The Crowd in the Persian Revolution.” Iranian Studies, 2:4 (1969), 128–50;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Cole, Juan R. I. and Mome, Moojan, “Mafia, Mob and Shiism in Iraq: The Rebellion of Ottoman Karbala, 1824–1843,” Past and Present, no. 112 (August 1986), 112–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 For the distinction between primary, secondary, and modern nationalist revolts, see Ranger, T. O., “Connexions between ‘pos;Primary Resistance’ Movements and Modern Mass Nationalism in East and Central Africa.” Journal of African History, Part I-9:3 (1968), 437–453; Part 119:4 (1968), 631–641;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Stokes, Eric, The Peasant and the Raj (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1978), 120–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the idea of a repertoire shift, see Tilly, , The Contentious French, 390–98.Google Scholar

5 Hourani, Albert, “Ottoman Reform and the Politics of the Notables,” in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century, Polk, W. and Chambers, R., eds. (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1968), 67–68; see also 44–49 for the definitions involved.Google Scholar

6 See, for example, Douin, Georges, Histoire du régne du Khédive Ismaïl, 3 vols. (Rome and Cairo: Société Royale de Géographie d'Égypte, 1933–41);Google Scholar ‘ar-Rafei, Abdu'r-Rahman’, 'Asrsma'il, 2 vols. 2d ed. (Cairo:an-Nandah aI-Misriyyah, 1948)Google Scholar; Sabry, Muhammad, La genése de l'esprit national egyptiers, 1863–1882 (Paris:Association Linotypist, 1924)Google Scholar; idem., L'empire egyptien sous Ismaïl et l'ingérence anglo française (1863–1879) (Paris:Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geunther, 1933);Google ScholarSammarco, Angelo, Le regn du Khedive Ismail de 1863 et 1875 (Cairo:Société Royale de Géographie d'Égypte, 1937).Google Scholar The elite approach to cultural history in this period is as apparent in Rafi'i and Sabry as it is in Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (London:Oxford University Press, 1962).Google Scholar

7 It is instructive to contrast chapter 5 in Owen, Roger, The Middle East in the World Economy 1800–1914 (London:Methuen, 1981),Google Scholar concerning Egypt, 1850–1882, with chapter 6, on the same period in Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine. The former focuses largely on the debt crisis and elite decision making, whereas the latter is mainly concerned with social history. Alexander Scholch studied the elite political history of the 'Urabi period from Egyptian archival documents in his German work, translated as Egypt for the Egyptians! The Sociopolitical Crisis in Egypt 1878–1882 (London:Ithaca Press, 1981),Google Scholar and Hunter, F. Robert looked at bureaucrats in his Egypt under the Khedives 1805–1879: From Household Government to Modern Bureaucracy (Pittsburgh:University of Pittsburgh Press, 1984).Google Scholar Both of these studies broke important new ground, but they have not been much supplemented by work that also extends our knowledge of nonelite classes in this period. The partial exceptions are Baer, Gabriel, Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt (Chicago:Chicago University Press, 1969),Google Scholar and Tucker, Judith, Women in Nineteenth Century Egypt (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1985).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Likewise, substantial advances in cultural history, such as Keddie, Nikki R., Sayyid Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani”: A Political Biography (Berkeley and Los Angeles:University of California Press, 1972),Google Scholar and Delanoue, Gilbert, Moralistes et politiques musulmans dans l'Égypte du XIXeme siécle, 1798–1882, 2 vols. (Cairo:Institut Français d'Archéologie du Caire, 1982), move in the circle of notables if not the old narrow elite, and have not been supplemented for this period by studies of popular culture.Google Scholar

8 I spent 1985–1986 on a Fulb?ght grant working in Egyptian repositories collecting material having to do with the social history of the period, 1858–1882. Although material relating to guilds and urban disturbances is abundant in the Egyptian National Archives, it is only preliminarily catalogued. The European archives remain important, because some events, such as urban riots between Europeans and Egyptians, may have struck the consuls as more worth recording than the Egyptian bureaucrats.

9 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Kew, Foreign Office (hereafter, P.R.O., F.O.) 407/20, Extract from the Journal Officiel of 14 June 1882, encl, in no. 1018, Lyons/Granville, Paris, 14 June 1882.

10 I should also enter the caveat here, however, that Egyptians in particular reacted rather passively to the influx of often greedy and acquisitive Europeans during the 1860s and 1870s, despite the way in which a few incidents of violence now seem important.

11 P.R.O., F.O., 78/381 Bowring Report, March 1839.

12 Owen, , The Middle East in the World Economy, ch. 5Google Scholar; Issawi, Charles, ed., The Economic History of the Middle East (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1966), 416–38. Many aspects of this period are treated in Baer, Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt, passim.Google Scholar

13 Nubarian, Nubar, Mémoires de Nubar Pacha, Ghali, M. B., ed. (Beirut:Librairie du Liban, 1983), 151–52; P.R.O., F.O. 141/125, Vivian/Salisbury no. 53, Cairo, 15 February 1879.Google Scholar

14 Egypt. Dar al-Watha'iq al-Qawmiyyah “National Archives”, Nizarat ad-Dakhiliyyah “Interior Ministry”, Arabic Correspondence, Mahfazah 11, Muhafiz al-Iskandariyyah/Nazir adDakhiliyyah, 21 Jumada 11 1290/16 August 1873 (for the privatization of weighing); for the European interference in guild elections see D.W., N.D., Ar. Corr. 26, Muhafiz Iskandariyyah/Nazir ad-Dakhiliyyah, 18 Sha'an 1295/18 August 1878; for protests about the steam boilers, D.W., N.D., Ar. Cor. 14, Muhammad 'Asim Wakil al-Muhafazah/Nizarat adDakhiliyyah, 13 Sha'ban 1291125 September 1874 and Ar. Con. 13, Mansuran Petition of Safar 1291/March-April 1874 and enclosures.

15 Ibrahim al-Muwaylihi, in al-Walan, Vol. 2 (1 February 1879/10 Safar 1296).

16 Throughout the nineteenth century, Arabs who had emigrated to India in search of patronage were forced to return to their homelands when local courts were conquered. 'Ali al-Muzayyin, ancestor of many in the prominent Shi'i az-Zayn clan in southern Lebanon, returned home from India in 1810 after participating in battles against the British: see 'az-Zayn, Ali, Fusul min ta'rikh ash-shi'ah f? lubnan (Beirut:Dar al-Kalimah li'n-Nashr, 1979),Google Scholar 132. A decade after the 1857–58 Indian revolt, the British consul in Jiddah estimated the number of Indians in the Arabian peninsula at 10,000, so they were hardly insignificant. And although less than a thousand British subjects registered in Egypt in the 1860s, one consul suggested that they actually numbered about 10,000. Many of these would have been Indian Muslims. See P.R.O., F.O. 141/62, Sandison/Reade no. 33, Jiddah, 10 June 1867; F.O. 141/68, Francis/Stanton, Alexandria, 17 February 1868. Indians in Cairo and even in the provinces were numerous enough to have chosen their own local leaders or “shaykhs”: F.O. 141/111, Can/Wallis, no. 19, Kafr Zayat, 22 December 1876. Even the secondary effects of the indigenous struggle against European expansionism could be significant. The Iranian Sayyid Jamalu'd-Din Asadabadi “al-Afghani,” as a young man in Bombay, began to cultivate his anti-imperialist fervor during 1857, later bringing it with him to Egypt in 1871 on his arrival in Alexandria; see Keddie, , Sayyid Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani.”Google Scholar

17 P.R.O., F.O. 141/36 Pt. 1, Walue/Green, Cairo, 5 July 1858; F.O. 141/36, Pt. 1, West/Green, Suez, 5 July 1858.

18 P.R.O., F.O. 141/49, Bulwer/Russell, Cairo, 15 December 1862. Sa'id drastically reduced his police force, leading some unemployed former policement to turn to looting and vandalism: Dar al-Watha'iq, Dabtiyyah [Police], Mahfazah 1, Said/Ma'mur Dabtiyyat Misr, no. 115, 25 Rajab 1276/17 February 1860; Said/Ma'mur, no. 116, 3 Ramadan 1276/26 March 1860.

19 P.R.O., F.O. 141/48, Drummond Hay/Colquhoun, Cairo, 18 February 1863.

20 Ibid.,

21 P.R.O., F.O. 78/1871, Colquhoun/Russell, no. 41, Cairo, 24 March 1865; see also earlier dispatches in this series, no. 27, March 1865, and no. 32, 11 March 1865; I am the first to note the Indian connection reported by Colquhoun here. See also Sarhank, Ismail, Haga'iq al-akhbar 'an duwal al-bihar, 2 vols. (Bulaq:al-Matba'ah al-Amiriyyah, 1895–98),Google Scholar 2:281; Baer, Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt 99.Google Scholar

22 P.R.O., F.O. 78/1871, Colquhoun/Bulwer, no. 2, Alexandria, 22 May 1865; Col quhoun/Russell, no. 56, Alexandria, 25 May 1865; Colquhoun/Russell, no. 58, Alexandria, 27 May 1865; 78/2139, Stanton/Clarendon, no. 3, Cairo, 7 January 1870; F.O. 141/71 Lane/Clarendon, Alexandria, 15 January 1870; F.O. 78/2186, Stanton/Granville, no. 5, Alexandria, 29 June 1871; Stanton/Granville, no. 60, Cairo, 14 December 1871; Nubar, , Mémoires, 394–97.Google Scholar

23 P.R.O., F.O. 141/72, Zarb/Stanley, Port Said, 21 February 1870, end. w/Staley/Staton, Alexandria, 24 February 1870, arch. no. 92; 141/72, Zarb/Stanley, Port Said, rid., encl. w/ Stanley/Staton, 5 March 1870, arch. no. 104; 141/72, Stanley/Zarb, 28 February 1870, end. w/ Stanley/Staton, 5 March 1870; 141/92, Baker/Cookson, Port Said, 15 September 1875, arch. no. 406; 141/20, Captain Beardsh/Vice-Admiral Hornby, no. 32, Alexandria, 17 June 1878; F.O. 141/115, Vivian/Salisbury, no. 21, Alexandria, 22 June 1878. For context, see Najm, Zayn al-'Abidin, Ta'rikh Bur Said (Cairo:al-Hay'ah al-'Ammah li'l-Kitab, 1988).Google Scholar

24 Viceroy/Muhafazat Misr, 25 Ramadan 1279/19 March 1863, tr. in Sami, Amin, Tagwim an-nil, 3 vols. (Cairo:al-Matba'ah al-Amiriyyah and Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyyah, 1916–1936), 2:466; P.R.O., F.O. 141/68, Joyce/Stanton, Cairo, 6 March 1872, no. 118 arch.Google Scholar

25 D. W. Mahfuzat Majlis al-Wuzara' “Cabinet Papers”, Hagq, 2/1 Qawanin Mutanawwa'ah, Ministry of Justice dossier dated 1882, “Commissions de conciliation dans l'Égypte,” undated memorandum “late 1870s”. The author discusses the disadvantages to peasants of the newly introduced court system vis-à-vis Europeans and invokes Algerian revolts and 1857 in India as arguments against such a rapid change in local law and custom.

26 P.R.O., F.O. 141/111, Can/Borg, no. 32, Kafr Zayat, 31 May 1877; 141/111; Borg/Atkin, no. 15, Cairo, 30 July 1877; 141/107, Vivian/Derby, no. 298, Alexandria, 29 September 1877.

27 P.R.O., F.O. 141/120, Carr/Borg, no. 14, Tatah, 11 June 1878.

28 P.R.O., F.O. 141/128, Borg/Vivian, no. 1, Cairo, 18 February 1879; F.O. 141/125, Vivian/Salisbury, no. 57, Cairo, 15 February 1879; F.O. 141/125, Vivian/Salisbury, no. 59, Cairo, 19 February 1879; F.O. 141/25, Vivian/Salisbury, no. 71, Cairo, 22 February 1879; see Schölch, , Egypt for the Egyptians!, 66–73;Google Scholar and Hunter, , Egypt under the Khedives, 215–16.Google Scholar

29 D.W., Afghani Dossier “uncatalogued”.

30 A hitherto unexploited autobiographical account of military and bureaucratic dissatisfaction in this period is Muhammad Effendi Fanni, “Bagiyyat al-mutamanni fi ta?amat Fanni,” MS 1126, pp. 65–91, Tarikh Taymur, Egyptian National Library, Cairo. See also 'Urabi, Ahmad, Taqriri 'an al-hawadith, LeGassick, Trevor, ed. and tr. (Cairo:American University in Cairo Press, 1982), pp. 5–19 of the Arabic text. For a British view see P.R.O., F.O. 141/144, Report of A. Colvin, encl. w/ Cookson/Malet, no. 233, Political, 10 September 1881; the Khdive's reaction is in D.W. Mahafiz ath-thawrah al-'Urabiyyah, Box 41, Khedive/Sultan, 9 September, 1881 (telegraphic).Google Scholar

31 Quoted from P.R.O., F.O. 141/144, Malet/Granville, no. 335, Cairo, 17 November 1881; see for 'Urabi's urging graciousness towards Europeans in speeches in Shargiyyah province, F.O. 144/149, Felice/Malet, no. 22, Zaqaziq, 21 October 1881; for other points, see F.O. 141/144, al-Hijaz, no. 8, 17 Shawwal 1298/12 September 1881, encl. w/Malet/Granville, no. 251, Cairo, 23 September 1881; F.O. 141/144, Malet/Granville, no. 313, Cairo, 31 October 1881. See also Schölch, , Egypt for the Egyptians!, 160–72.Google Scholar

32 P.R.O., F.O. 141/148, Cookson/Malet, no. 6, Alexandria, 23 March 1881. For incidents of blood-libel persecution of Jews by European Christians and their protegÉs in the nineteenth-century Middle East, see Lewis, Bernard, The Jews of Islam (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1984), 157–59; this libel was not generally a feature of Muslim-Jewish conflicts.Google Scholar

33 P.R.O., F.O. 141/149, Mieville/Malet, no. 44, Suez, 18 December 1881.

34 P.R.O., F.O. 407/20, Mallet/Granville, no. 933, Cairo, 6 June 1882; P.R.O., House of Commons Accounts and Papers, ZHC1/4460, Adm. Seymour/Sec. Admiralty, Invincible at Alexandria, 16 June 1882; Schölch, Egypt for the Egyptians!, 231–43. For the role of merchants and artisans, see Salim, Latifah Muhammad, al-Quwa al-ijima'iyyah fi'th-thawrah al-'urabiyyah (Cairo:al-Hay'ah al-Misriyyah al-'Ammah li'l-Kitab, 1981), 337–58.Google Scholar

35 P.R.O., ZHC1/4503, Correspondence Respecting the Riots at Alexandria on the 11th June, 1882, Granville/Malet, 17 August 1882, enclosure, Statement of Carmelo Polidani.

36 Ssölch, Egypt for the Egyptians!, 250; 'Urabi's foes among the pro-viceregal forces also attempted to blame the riot on him: see “ Safinah biha mukatabat li ru'asa' ath-thawrah al'Urabiyyah,” MS 500, pp. 110–13, Shi'r, Taymur, Egyptian National Library, Cairo. Foran examination of the high politics of the riot, and a verdict that it was either spontaneous or at least partially encouraged by the Khedive Tawftq, see Chamberlain, M. E., “The Alexandria Massacre of 11 June 1882 and the British Occupation of Egypt,” Middle Eastern Studies, 13:1 (1977), 14–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37 Accounts by Egyptians wounded in the conflict are in D.W. Mahafiz ath-Thawrah al-'Urabiyyah, Box 18, Dossier 1, stress the Europeans' indiscriminate use of firearms. Other important early Egyptian attempts at such narratives are translated in Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (London:T. Fisher Unwin, 1907; repr. Cairo: Arab Centre for Research and Publishing, 1980), app. III.Google Scholar

38 Correspondence Respecting the Riots, Granville/Malet, 17 August 1882, Statement of Giacomo Luca; Granville's report quotes many similar accounts taken from Maltese, Greeks, and Italians.

39 P.R.O., F.O. 407/20, Calvert/Granville, no. 903, Alexandria, 12 June 1882, 1:58 p.m. (telegraphic); Medical Report of European Consular Corps in Alexandria, encl. no. 7 in No. 1447, Alexandria, 12 June 1882.

40 P.R.O., F.O. 407/20, Cookson/Malet, Alexandria, 16 June 1882, encl. no. 1 in Cookson/Granville, no. 1447, Alexandria, 20 June 1882; Mr. A. A. Ralli/Mrs. Ralli, Athens, 17 June 1882, encl, in no. 1553.

41 Correspondence Respecting the Riots at Alexandria, Granville/Malet, 17 August 1882.

42 P.R.O., F.O. 141/161, Beaman/Male“, no. 46, Cairo, 4 July 1882.

43 P.R.O., F.O. 407/21, Dufferin/Granville, no. 332, Therapia, 28 June 1882.

44 P.R.O., F.O. 141/161, Carr/Borg, no. 15, Tanta, 2 November 1882; Borg/Malet, no. 60, Cairo, 3 November 1882; Felice/Borg, Zaqaziq, 29 October 1882; for the events of Summer and autumn, 1882, see Schölch, Egypt for the Egyptians!, 258–305.

45 Muhammad 'Abduh maintained that 'Abdu'r-Razzaq Alwan, courtmartialed for complicity in riots at Damanhur, had actually attempted to protect Christian lives, but was victimized by the triumphant viceregal officials: Blunt, Secret History, 507. Although some prominent individuals may have been wrongly charged, it seems unlikely that hundreds of ordinary people were.

46 Correspondence Respecting the Riots, Herbert/Tenterden, Downing Street, 14 August 1882, enclosure, Statement of E. Violaras, Larnaka, 27 July 1882.

47 “Kashf 'an bayan al-ahkam al-mutawagga'ah min majlis 'askariyyat Iskandariyyah 'ala madhkrin nazaran li ta'allugihim bi'l-'isyan wa ishtirakihim fi'l-waqa'i' allati hadathat,” enclosure in F.O. 141/161, Jafo/Malet, 28 October 1882. An English prÉcis of this document, also enclosed, for the most part only gives names, omitting much crucial detail concerning occupation and ethnicity. (I was unable to locate the original of this document in the Egyptian archives.)

48 See Owen, , The Middle East in the World Economy, 148–49, for the estimates of numbers. The Egyptian Inteior Department's own list of specifically craft guild membership in 1870, with 55,808 members, preserved in P.R.O., F.O. 141/75, archives no. 147; cf. P.R.O., ZHC1/3496, Stanton/Granville, 17 November 1870.Google Scholar 'Ali Mubarak, writing in the early 1880s, gives guild membership in Cairo alone at 63,487, but includes groups beyond the craft guilds; al-Khitat attawfigiyyah al-jadidah, 20 vols. (Bulaq:al-Matba'ah al-Kubra al-Amiriyyah, 1304–1306/18861880), I, 99–100.Google Scholar A general work is Baer, Gabriel, Egyptian Guilds in Modern Times (Jerusalem:Israel Oriental Society, 1964).Google Scholar

49 For working women in urban centers, see Tucker, , Women in Nineteenth-Century Egypt, esp. ch. 2.Google Scholar

50 These Egyptian government documents are enclosed in P.R.O., F.O. 141/161, Jafo/Malet, no. 4, Alexandria, 28 October 1882.

51 Guild members' respect for elective procedure and anger when officials attempted to subvert it are apparent throughout the guild petitions in the Ministry of Interior correspondence files for the 1860s and 1870s; see among others, Dar al-Watha'iq, Wizarat ad-Dakhiliyyah, Arabic Correspondence 20, “'Ardhal kayyalin” [Petition of the Weighers], with Nazir adDakhiliyyah/Muhafiz Misr, 14 Dhu'I-Qa'dah 1293/2 December 1876, and Ar. Corr. 24, “'Ardhal ta'ifat as-samasirah” [Petition of the Brokers], rec'd 29 Shawwal 1294/6 November 1877. One is aware, of course, of the British conviction that guild leaders had been coerced into supporting 'Urabi, but the trial of some of them indicates genuine support.

52 P.R.O., F.O., 407/21, Rowsell/Tenterden, 14 July 1882, no. 522, enclosure. Apart from the 203 Europeans employed in the judicial and administrative staff of the tribunals of the reform, 1,122 persons drew a total of LE 315,600 or L 323,490 sterling from the Egyptian government in salaries.

53 Correspondence Respecting the Riots at Alexandria, Herbert/Tenterden, 14 August 1882, Statement of Christo Argiri, Limassol, July 1882; Statement of Franz Lanzon, Limassol, July, 1882. (Corroborated in D.W. ?aha?z ath-Thawrah al-Urabiyyah, Box, 18, Dossier 26, Statement of Ahmad Qabudan).

54 “Zafarnamih-'i vaga'i'-i ghadr,” Persian MS 431, India Office Library, foll. 17a–b, 21a, 31–32. For the role of urban forces in 1857 see Gayly, C. A., Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian SocÉety in the Age of British Expansion, 1770–1870 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1983), 359–66;Google Scholar for recent general work on the rebellion see Mukherjee, Rudrangshu, Awadh in Revolt (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1984),Google Scholar and Cole, J. R. I., Roots of North Indian Sih'ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh, 1722–1859 (Berkeley and Los Angeles:University of California Press, in press), ch. 10.Google Scholar

55 Gubbins, Martin Richard, An Account of the Mutinies of Oudh and the Siege of the Lucknow Residency (London:Richard Bentley, 1858), 39–40; Cole, North Indian Shi'ism, op. cit.Google Scholar

56 The 1858 Jiddah riot is analyzed in detail in Ochsenwald, William, Religion, Society and the State in Arabia: The Hijaz under Ottoman Control, 1840–1908 (Columbus:Ohio State University Press, 1984), 140–52.Google Scholar

57 Khoury, Philip S., Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism: The Politics of Damascus 1860–1920 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1983), ch. 1; see also for corroboration Kamal S. Salibi, “The 1860 Upheaval in Damascus as Seen by al-Sayyid Muhammad Abu'l-Su`ud alHasibi, Notable and Later Naqib al-Ashraf of the City,” in Beginnings of Modernization, Polk and Chambers, eds., 185–202.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

58 Rudé, , The Crowd in History, 61–64.Google Scholar

59 See Thompson, E. P., “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past and Present, no. 50 (1971), 76–136;CrossRefGoogle ScholarGenovese, Elizabeth Fox, “The Many Faces of Moral Economy: A Contribution to a Debate,” Past and Present, no. 58 (1973), 159–68;CrossRefGoogle ScholarReddy, William M., “The Textile Trade and the Language of the Crowd at Rouen 1752–1871,” Past and Present, no. 74 (1977), 62–89;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBooth, Alan, “Food Riots in the North-West of England 1790–1801,” Past and Present, no. 77 (1977), 84–107;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWilliams, Dale Edward, “Morals, Markets and the English Crowd in 1766,” Past and Present, no. 104 (1984), 56–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

60 Davis, , Society and Culture, ch. 6: “The Rites of Violence”.Google Scholar