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Fraternal Orders and Class Formation in the Nineteenth-Century United States
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 June 2009
Abstract
- Type
- Social Structure and the Construction of Culture
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- Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1985
References
1 Belleville City Directory (Urbana, Illinois: D. McKenzie, 1884);Google ScholarBuffalo Street Guide and Knights of Pythias Lodge Directory (Buffalo: Albert J. Kuebler and Fred kroebel, 1894).Google Scholar In 1900, the two largest fraternal organizations, the Masons and the Odd Fellows, had one million members each out of a total national population of thirty-nine million. At least four other orders had more than a half million members. Stevens, Albert C., The Cyclopedia of Fraternities (1907; rpt. Detroit: the Gale Research Company, 1966), 43, 254, 113–14.Google Scholar
2 A limited selection of these includes Cumbler, John, Working-Class Community in Industrial America: Work, Leisure, and Struggle in Two Industrial Cities—1880–1930 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979);Google ScholarDawley, Alan, Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976);Google ScholarGreenberg, Brian, “Worker and Community: Fraternal Orders in Albany, New York, 1845–1885,” Maryland Historian, 8:2 (Fall 1977), 38–53;Google ScholarStephenson, Charles, “A Gathering of Strangers? Mobility, Social Structure, and Political Participation in the Formation of Nineteenth-Century American Working-Class Culture,” in American Working-Class Culture: Explorations in American Labor and Social History, Cantor, Milton, ed. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979);Google ScholarWalkowitz, Daniel, Workers' City, Company Town (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978).Google Scholar
3 See Rosenzweig, Roy, “Boston Masons, 1900–1935: The Lower Middle Class in a Divided Sociiety,” Journal of Voluntary Action Research, 6:3–4 (07–10 1977), 123–24, for the declaration of egalitarian sentiment wihin Freemasonry.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
4 Rosenzweig, , “Boston Masons”;Google ScholarDumenil, Lynn, “Brotherhood and Respectability: Freemasonry and American Culture, 1880–1930” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1981).Google Scholar
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6 This account makes primary use of Tilly's, CharlesFrom Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978),Google Scholar but see as Oberschall, well Anthony, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1973).Google Scholar
7 While this perspective focuses equally on the ways in which externally imposed costs structure collective action, that part of the argument is not pertinent to the analysis of fraternalism, which has not existed in the United States as a movement oriented toward conflict.
8 Przeworski, Adam, “Proletariat into Class: The Process of Class Formation from Karl Kautsky's The Class Struggle to Recent Controversies,” Politics and Society, 7:4 (Fall 1977), 348.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
9 The recent historical literature begins, of course, with Thompson's, E. P.The Making of the English Working Class.Google Scholar A small selection from subsequent work includes Gutman, Herbert, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976);Google ScholarDawley, , Class and Community; John Foster, Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1974).Google Scholar
Class formation as a theoretical issue in Marxism is discussed in Przeworski, , “Proletariat into Class”;Google ScholarStark, David, “Class Struggle and the Transformation of the Labor Process,” Theory and Society, 9 (01 1980), 89–130;CrossRefGoogle ScholarKatznelson, Ira, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981).Google ScholarCalhoun, Craig, “The Radicalism of Tradition: Community Strength or Venerable Disguise and Borrowed Language,” American J ournal of Sociology, 88:5 (03 1983), 886–914, is an interesting recent critique of Marxist approaches.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10 Stark, , “Class Struggle,” 97.Google Scholar
11 Tilly, , From Mobilization to Revolution, 62–63.Google Scholar
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13 See Foster, , Class Struggle,Google Scholar and Beckhoffer, Frank and Elliott, Brian, “An Approach to the Study of Small Shopkeepers and the Class Structure,” European Journal of Sociology, 9 (1968), 180–202,CrossRefGoogle Scholar for accounts of working-class withdrawal from cross-class institutions in England, and Bell, Donald H., “Worker Culture and Worker Politics: The Experience of an Italian Town, 1880–1915,” Social History, 3:1 (01 1978), 1–21, for an Italian case.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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15 Indeed, one indication of its availability and appeal is the fact that so many early unions, such as the Sons of Vulcan, the Knights of St. Crispin, the Bricklayers and Masons International Union, and the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, were originally organized fraternally as, of course, was the Knights of Labor.
16 An important exception to this charge is Greenberg's treatment of the fraternal order as a social control mechanism in “Worker and Community.”
17 For information on Lynn, see Dawley, , Class and Community, as well as Cumbler.Google Scholar
18 The Belleville data are from an aggregation of charter members of the town's three Pythian lodges, established from 1874 to 1881, while the Buffalo data come from the Buffalo Street Guide and Knights of Pythias Lodge Directory, which listed members' names, addresses, and occupations. In both cases, I have classified members according to the categories presented in Themstrom, Stephen, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American City (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), 289–92, appendix B, and used by Rosenzweig and Dumenil in their Masonic studies as well.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19 Wieck, Edward A., The American Miners' Association (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1940), 9;Google ScholarRoy, Andrew A., A History of the Coal Miners of the United States (1903; rpt. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1970), 62–67.Google Scholar
20 Indeed, the 79 percent blue-collar membership shown for Cavalier in Table 4 is probably an understatement, since the Cavalier charter, unlike the other two, did not list occupations, and the occupations of only twenty-three of the thirty-five could be identified. Individuals with blue-collar occupations tend to be under-represented in city directories and other published sources, so it is likely that the twelve unidentified members included an even higher proportion of such occupations.
21 Montgomery, David, Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862–1872 (New York: Vintage, 1967), 218;Google ScholarBelleville Daily Advocate, 2 February, 30 July 1877; 15 January 1878.Google Scholar
22 In fact, Thomas, through the railroad he controlled, had been responsible for refusing service to a cooperative mine formed by union miners. When the miners appealed to the governor, the railroad company tore up the switch leading to the mine to forestall legal action. Belleville Daily Advocate, 6 July 1911;Google ScholarRoy, , History of Coal Miners, 73–74.Google Scholar
23 In those cases in which an artisanal title could imply either a proprietor or a wage worker, I classified as proprietors those who could be located in the business-and-commercial section of the 1894 Buffalo City Directory. See Smith, Thomas, “Reconstructing Occupational Structures: The Case of the Ambiguous Artisan,” Historical Methods Newsletter,8:3 (06 1975), 134–46,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Thernstrom, , The Other Bostonians, 292, for discussions of this classificatory problem.Google Scholar
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27 See Clawson, Mary Ann, “Class, Brotherhood, and Patriarchy: Fraternalism in Europe and America” (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York, Stony Brook, 1980), ch. 7, for a description of the ways in which orders literally sold memberships through the systematic use of agents working on commission.Google Scholar
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