Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-fscjk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T05:59:53.705Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Ilkhanid Buddhism: Traces of a Passage in Eurasian History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 July 2014

Roxann Prazniak
Roxann Prazniak*
Affiliation:
Robert D. Clark Honors College, History, University of Oregon
*
prazniak@uoregon.edu
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Buddhism contributed to the culture and politics of thirteenth-century Eurasian intellectual exchange, depositing literary, artistic, and architectural traces subsequently eclipsed by layers of Islamic and Eurocentric history. Within extensive cross-continental networks of diplomatic and commercial activity, Ilkhanid Buddhism and the Buddhist revival of which it was a part drew serious attention among contemporary travelers, scholars, and statesmen including Ibn Taymiyah, Roger Bacon, and Rashid al-Din. This article argues that awareness of a Buddhist scholarly and political elite in the Muslim heartland, with its center at Tabriz, generated a historically significant Eurasian Buddhist discourse during a critical passage in the turn to modernity.

Type
Research Article
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 56 , Issue 3 , July 2014 , pp. 650 - 680
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2014 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Gramsci, Antonio, Prison Notebooks, Hoare, Quintin and Smith, Geoffrey Nowell, trans. and eds. (New York: International Publishers, 1971), 324–25Google Scholar. Also see, Said, Edward W., Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, Random House, 1978), 25Google Scholar. I thank Arif Dirlik for this reference.

2 Spuler, Bertold, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung und Kultur der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1985), 150–51Google Scholar.

3 Samuel M. Grupper presents an exhaustive survey of evidence regarding Ilkhanid Buddhism that has greatly benefited this article's attempt to read Ilkhanid Buddhism in its Eurasian historical perspective; “The Buddhist Sanctuary-Vihara of Labnasagut and the Il-Qan Hulegu: An Overview of Il-Qanid Buddhism and Related Matters,” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 13 (2004): 5–77Google Scholar. More recent but briefer treatments of Ilkhanid Buddhism can be found in Elverskog's, JohanBuddhism and Islam on the Silk Road (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010)Google Scholar; and Foltz's, RichardReligions of the Silk Roads: Premodern Patterns of Globalization, 2d ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010 [2000])CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Summarized by Bausani, A., “Religion under the Mongols,” in Boyle, J. A., ed., The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), vol. 5, 538–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 541; and Biran, Michal, Chinggis Khan: Makers of the Muslim World (Oxford: Oneworld Publishers, 2007), 121Google Scholar. By the 1260s, Chinggis Khan's status as a prophet was already well established in contemporary political circles. See Jūzjānī, Minhāj Sirāj, T̤abakāt-i-Nāṣirī: A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia, Including Hindustan, from A.H. 194 (810 A.D.) to A.H. 658 (1260 A.D.) and the Irruption of the Infidel Mughals into Islam, by Minhāj-ud-dīn, Abū-ʾUmar-i-ʾUs̤mān, Raverty, H. G., trans. from Persian (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1970), vol. II, 1077–78Google Scholar.

5 Yün-hua, Jan, “Chinese Buddhism in Ta-tu: The New Situation and New Problems,” in Chan, Hok-lam and de Bary, Wm. Theodore, eds., Yüan Thought: Chinese Thought and Religion Under the Mongols (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 386, 388–89Google Scholar.

6 Lo-tsa-ba, Chag, Biography of Dharmasvamin (Chag Lo-ts-ba Chos-rje-dpal), A Tibetan Monk Pilgrim, deciphered and trans. by Roerich, George (Delhi: K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute, Patna; Shri Jainendra Press, 1959), iv–vGoogle Scholar, 56.

7 Dunnell, Ruth, “The Hsia Origins of the Yuan Institution of Imperial Preceptor,” Asia Minor 51 (1992): 85–111Google Scholar, here 106, 109–10.

8 Davidson, Ronald M., “Hidden Realms and Pure Abodes: Central Asian Buddhism as Frontier Religion in the Literature of India, Nepal, and Tibet,” Pacific World Journal, 3d series, 4 (2002): 153–81Google Scholar, esp. 161, 164, 167.

9 Grupper, “Buddhist Sanctuary, 20 n. 47.

10 Hasan, Mohibbul, “Historical Writing in Medieval Kashmir,” in Hasan, Mohibbul, ed., Historians of Medieval India (Meerut: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1968), 53–58Google Scholar, here 53. For an historical geography of this period, see, Bhutani, V. C., “Historical Geography of Kashmir from the Earliest Times,” Indian Historical Review 27, 2 (2000): 4–16Google Scholar.

11 Tucci, Giuseppe, “Translation of the Itinerary of Orgyan Pa,” in Travels of Tibetan Pilgrims in the Swat Valley (Calcutta: The Greater India Society, 1940), 41–64Google Scholar, here 46–47. See also Sperling, Elliot, “Hülegü and Tibet,” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hung Tomus 44, 1–2 (1990): 145–57Google Scholar, here 152 n. 26.

12 Jahn, Karl, “A Note on Kashmir and the Mongols,” Central Asiatic Journal 2 (1956): 176–80Google Scholar, here 179.

13 Yün-hua, “Chinese Buddhism,” 393–94.

14 Yoeli-Tlalim, Ronit, “Rashid al-Din's Life of the Buddha, Some Tibetan Perspectives,” in Akasoy, Annna, Burnett, Charles, and Yoeli-Tlalim, Ronit, eds., Rashid al-Din, Agent and Mediator of Cultural Exchanges in Ilkhanid Iran (London: The Warburg Institute, 2013), 197–211Google Scholar, here 198–99. See also Sperling, “Hülegü and Tibet,” 145, 147, 156. Hülegü's name appears in Tibetan sources as “Hu-la-hu” and “Hu-la,” and he is referred to as the patron of the Phag-mo gru-pa sub-sect, or as the “Stod-Hor king.”

15 Ahmad, Aziz, “Conversion to Islam in the Valley of Kashmir,” Central Asiatic Journal 23 (1979): 3–18Google Scholar, here 8.

16 Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, “The Qarlugh Kingdom in the North-Western India during the Thirteenth Century,” Islamic Culture 54, 2 (1980): 75–91Google Scholar, here 77, 80, 82.

17 Bulliet, Richard W., “Naw Bahar and the Survival of Iranian Buddhism,” Iran: The Journal of Persian Studies 14 (1976): 140–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 144, 145.

18 Stavisky, Boris J., “Buddha-Mazda” from Kara-tepe in Old Termez (Uzbekistan): A Preliminary Communication,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 3, 2 (1980): 89–94Google Scholar, here 89–91. For mention of Russian scholarship on Buddhism, see Foltz, Richard, “Buddhism in the Iranian World,” Muslim World 100 (Apr./July 2010): 204–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 206.

19 Tigran, Mkrtychev, “Buddhism and Features of the Buddhist Art of Bactria-Tokharistan,” Proceedings of the British Academy 133 (2007): 475–85Google Scholar, here 475, 482–83. I thank an anonymous CSSH reader for this reference.

20 Melikian-Chirvani, Assadullah Souren, “Iran to Tibet,” in Akasoy, Anna, Burnett, Charles, and Yoeli-Tlalim, Ronit, eds., Islam and Tibet: Interactions along the Musk Routes (Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2011)Google Scholar, 108 n. 84.

21 Muhammad Ibn Ishaq Ibn al-Nadim, The Fihrist of al-Nadim: A Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture, Dodge, Bayard, trans. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 824–25Google Scholar.

22 Berzin, Alexander, “Historical Survey of the Buddhist and Muslim Worlds' Knowledge of Each Other's Customs and Teachings,” Muslim World 100 (Apr./July 2010): 187–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 188–89.

23 van Bladel, Kevin, “The Bactrian Background of the Barmakids,” in Akasoy, Anna, Burnett, Charles, and Yoeli-Tlalim, Ronit, eds., Islam and Tibet: Interactions along the Musk Routes (Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2011), 43–88Google Scholar, here 69.

24 Yusuf, Imtiyaz, “Dialogue between Islam and Buddhism through the Concepts of Ummatan Wasatan (The Middle Nation) and Majihima-Patipada (The Middle Way),” Islamic Studies 48, 3 (2009): 367–94Google Scholar, here 370.

25 Smine, Rima E., “The Miniatures of a Christian Arabic Barlaam and Joasaph: Balamand 147,” Parole de l'Orient 43 (1993): 171–229Google Scholar, here 205, 207. Smine identifies the stylistic elements as Persian from Anatolia or northern Mesopotamia. See also Boyle, John A., “Literary Cross-Fertilization between East and West,” Bulletin (British Society for Middle Eastern Studies) 4, 1 (1977): 32–36Google Scholar, here 34.

26 Hamd-Allah Mustawfi of Qazwin, The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulub (1340), Le Strange, G., trans. (Leyden: E. J. Brill and E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 1919), 56Google Scholar, 162–79.

27 Fazlullah, Rashiduddin, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh: Compendium of Chronicles, Thackston, W. M., trans. and annotation (Cambridge: Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, 1999)Google Scholar, 577.

28 Hamd-Allah Mustawfi of Qazwin, Geographical Part, 78, 82.

29 Togan, Zeki Velidi, “A Document Concerning Cultural Relations between the Ilkhanide and Byzantines,” in Ilhanli Bizans Kültür Münasebetlerine Dair Vesikalar (Istanbul: Islam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü Dergisi IV. cildine ektir, 14, 1965), 9–15Google Scholar, here 11. Togan suggests “the Frank physician” was George Chioniades from Trebizond. I express my appreciation to Professor Osman Gazi Özgüdenli for this reference as well as helpful conversation and references in Rohrborn, note 58, and Satoko Shimo, note 74.

30 Togan, “Document Concerning Cultural Relations,” 9, 15.

31 Jacoby, David, “Oriental Silks Go West: A Declining Trade in the Later Middle Ages,” in Arcangeli, Catarina Schmidt and Wolf, Gerhard, eds., Islamic Artifacts in the Mediterranean World: Trade, Gift Exchange and Artistic Transfer (Venezia: Marsilio, 2010)Google Scholar, 72, 73.

32 Martinez, A. P., “The Eurasian Overland and Pontic Trades in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries with Special Reference to Their Impact on the Golden Horde, the West, and Russia and to the Evidence in Archival Material and Mint Outputs,” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 16 (2008/2009): 128–221Google Scholar, here 152–53.

33 Ciociltan, Vilgil, The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, Willcocks, Samuel, trans. (Leiden: Brill, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 49.

34 Petrushevshy, I. P., “The Socio-Economic Conditions of Iran under the Il-Khans,” in Boyle, J. A., ed., The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), vol. 5, 483–537CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 510. He also may have held farmland in Kabul, Ghazna, Lahore, and the province of Sind, as well as capital in trade with India and Transoxiana. See Togan, Zeki Velidi, “References to Economic and Cultural Life in Anatolia in the Letters of Rashid al-Din,” Leiser, Gary, trans., in Pfeiffer, Judith and Quinn, Sholeh A., with Tucker, Ernest, eds., History and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asian and the Middle East: Studies in Honor of John E. Woods (Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 2006), 84–111Google Scholar, here 93, 101. Leiser discusses the controversy surrounding these letters and concludes, “They must at least be accepted, like certain information in legends or epics, as broadly reflecting various realities from the time in which they were written. It is the task of the historian to tease out these realities” (85–87).

35 Boyle, J. A., “Dynastic and Political History of the Il-Khans,” in Boyle, J. A., ed., The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), vol. 5, 303–421CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 380.

36 Jing, Anning, “Financial and Material Aspects of Tibetan Art under the Yuan Dynasty,” Artibus Asiae Supplementum 64, 2 (2004): 213–41Google Scholar, here 116–17.

37 Dardess, John W., Conquerors and Confucians: Aspects of Political Change in Late Yuan China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973)Google Scholar, 51.

38 Petrushevsky, I. P., “Rashid al-Din's Conceptions of the State,” Central Asiatic Journal 14 (1970): 148–62Google Scholar, here 149–50.

39 Despite its overall success in trade, Ilkhanid fiscal policies ranged from weak to disastrous in the rural sector. There was less of an agricultural base to begin with, greater destruction during the period of conquest, and slow reconstruction. See Lambton, A.K.S., Landlord and Peasant in Persia: A Study of Land Tenure and Land Revenue Administration (London: Oxford University Press, 1953), 77–104Google Scholar. See also Ashtor, Eliyahu, “The Economic Decline of the Middle East during the Later Middle Ages,” Asian and African Studies 15 (1981): 253–86Google Scholar, here 258.

40 Boyle, J. A., “Dynastic and Political History of the Il-Khans,” in Boyle, J. A., ed., The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), vol. 5, 303–421CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 403. Also see, Kaiyun, Ji, “Lüelun Zhongguo yu Yilang lishi wenhua de gongxing” On general characteristics of the history and culture between China and Iran), in Jide, Yao, ed., Zhongguo Yilang xuelunji (Iranian studies in China) (Yinchuan: Ningxia People's Press, 2008), 50–66Google Scholar, here 59.

41 Twitchett, D. C., “The Monasteries and China's Economy in Medieval Times,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 19, 3 (1957): 526–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 533, 536, 540; Dardess, Conquerors and Confucians, 39; Yang, Lien-sheng, “Buddhist Monasteries and Four Money-Raising Institutions in Chinese History,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 13, 1/2 (1950):174–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 187, 191; Kudara, Kogi, “The Buddhist Culture of the Old Uigur Peoples,” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 3d series, 4 (Fall 2002):183–95Google Scholar, here 185–86; Sen, Tansen, Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600–1400 (Honolulu: University of Hawaìi Press, 2003)Google Scholar, 214, 216–17.

42 Makhdumi, Mohammad Rafluddin, “Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah: A Link between the Indians and the Mongols,” Journal of Pakistan Historical Society 56, 1 (2008): 33–43Google Scholar, here 35, 42 n. 24.

43 Ball, Warwick, “Some Rock-Cut Monuments in Southern Iran,” Iran 24 (1986): 95–115CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Esin, Emel, “Four Turkish Bakhshi Active in Iranian Lands,” in Kiani, M. Y. and Tajvidi, A., eds., The Memorial Volume of the 5th International Congress of Iranian Art & Archaeology: Tehran-Isfahan-Shiraz, 11th–18th April 1968 (Tehran, 1972), vol, 2, 53–73Google Scholar, here. Esin also tells, less convincingly, of a gilded bronze Buddha found in Afyon in Anatolia, and Mongol idols reportedly burnt in Anatolia (see n. 2).

45 Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh, pt. 3, 664.

46 Tomoko Masuya, The Ilkhanid Phase of Takht-i Sulaiman, PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 1997, 34; and Petrushevsky, “Rashid al-Din's Conceptions of the State,” 512–13.

47 Allsen, Thomas T., Technician Transfers in the Mongolian Empire (Bloomington: Central Eurasian Studies Lectures, Department of Central Eurasian Studies, Indiana University, 2002)Google Scholar, 14, 15.

48 Grupper, “Buddhist Sanctuary,” 43–44.

49 Ugo Monneret de Villard, Il Libro della Peregrinazione nelle Parti d'Oriente di Frate Ricoldo da Montecroce (Roma: Istituto Storico Domenicano, 1948), 50–51Google Scholar. See also a recent critical edition of the Latin text and a French translation: Riccold de Monte Croce, Pérégrination en Terre Sainte et au Proche Orient: Texte latin et traduction. Lettres sur la chute de Saint-Jean d'Acre. Traduction, Kappler, R., ed. (Paris: Honoré Champion Éditeur, 1997)Google Scholar.

50 Mair, Victor H., “Perso-Turkic Bakshi = Mandarin Po-Shih: Learned Doctor,” Journal of Turkish Studies 16 (1992): 117–27Google Scholar.

51 Soudavar, Abolala, “The Saga of Abu-Sa‘id Bahador Khan: The Abu-Sa‘ idname,” in Raby, Julian and Fitzherbert, Teresa, eds., The Court of the Ilkhans, 1290–1340 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar, 117.

52 Thomas Allsen suggests bakhshi be translated as “ritualist” (personal communication, May 2012).

53 Grupper, “Buddhist Sanctuary,” 42.

54 ‘Ala-ad-Din ‘Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World-Conqueror, trans. by Boyle, John Andrew from text of Mirza Muhammad Qazvini (Cambridge: Harvard University Press), vol. 1, 48–53Google Scholar.

55 I thank Pier Giorgio Borbone for this note and for reading an early draft of this paper.

56 Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh, pt. 3, 667. Rashid al-Din lists Arabic, Persian, Hindi, Kashmiri, Tibetan, Cathaian, and Frankish, among the language spoken by Ghazan and his court.

57 Allsen, Thomas T., “The Yuan Dynasty and the Uighurs of Turfan in the 13th Century,” in Rossabi, Morris, ed., China among Equals: The Middle Kingdom and Its Neighbors, 10th–14th Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 253–58Google Scholar.

58 Rohrborn, Klaus, “Die Islamische Weltgeschichte des Rasiduddin als Quelle fur den Zentralasiastischen Buddhismus?” (The Islamic history of the world by Rashid al-Din as a source for Central Asian Buddhism?), Journal of Turkish Studies 13 (1989): 129–33Google Scholar, here 132.

59 Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh, pt. 3, 513.

60 Hamd-Allah Mustawfi of Qazwin Qazwin, Geographical Part, 86–87.

61 Kinneir, John MacDonald, A Geographical Memoir of the Persian Empire (London: n.p., 1813), 156–57Google Scholar.

62 Azad, Arezou, “Three Rock-Cut Cave Sites in Iran and Their Ilkhanid Buddhist Aspects Reconsidered,” in Akasoy, Anna, Burnett, Charles, and Yoeli-Tlalim, Ronit, eds., Islam and Tibet: Interactions along the Musk Routes (Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2011), 209–30Google Scholar.

63 Ball, Warwick, “How Far Did Buddhism Spread West? Buddhism in the Middle East in Ancient and Medieval Times,” al-Rāfidān 10 (1989): 1–14Google Scholar, here 8.

64 Hamd-Allah Mustawfi of Qazwin, Geographical Part, 61.

65 Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh, pt. 3, 574, 577, 664.

66 Arezou Azad, “Three Rock-Cut Cave Sites,” 212.

67 Ibid.: 223.

68 Tomoko Masuya, Ilkhanid Phase of Takht-I Sulaiman, 220.

69 Ball, Warwick, “Two Aspects of Iranian Buddhism,” Bulletin of the Asia Institute 1, 1–4 (Shiraz, 1976): 103–63Google Scholar, here 136–37, 141, 143. See also, Scarcia, Gianroberto, “The ‘Vihar’ of Qonqor-Ölöng Preliminary Report,” East and West 25, 1–2 (1975): 99–104Google Scholar.

70 Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh, pt. 3, 574.

71 Ibid.: 620.

72 Ibid.: 664.

73 Petrushevsky, I. P., “Rashi al-Din's Conception of the State,” Central Asiatic Journal 14 (1970): 148–62Google Scholar, here 152–53.

74 The Mongol History of the Jami‘ al-Tavarikh derived from the Tarikh-i Ghazani (Ghazan's history), which scholars believe was the spoken word of Ilkhan Ghazan as dictated to Rashid al-Din. See Shimo, Satoko, “Ghazan Khan and the Ta'rikh-i Ghazani—Concerning Its Relationship to the ‘Mongol History’ of the Jami‘ al- Tawarikh,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (The Oriental Library) 54 (1996): 93–110Google Scholar, here 109.

75 Ball, “Two Aspects,” 142.

76 Jahn, Karl, “An Indian Legend on the Descent of the Mongols,” in Rashid al-Din's History of India: Collected Essays with Facsimiles and Indices (London: Mouton & Co., 1965), lxxviii–xviGoogle Scholar, here lxxxiii.

77 Allsen, Thomas T., Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 83–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 84, 95. See also Franke, Herbert “Some Sinological Remarks on Rasid ad-Din's History of China,” Oriens 4, 1 (1951): 21–26Google Scholar.

78 Lu Tsu-chien, “A Discussion of History,” and Ch'iao, Cheng, “General Preface to the T'ung Chih,” both in Sources of Chinese Tradition, compiled by de Bary, William Theodore, Chan, Wing-tsit, and Watson, Burton (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960), vol. 1, 441–44Google Scholar.

79 Golden Light Sutra, Dawa, Losang, trans. (Portland: Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition, 2006)Google Scholar, 64.

80 Jahn, Karl, “Kamalashri—Rashid al-Din's ‘Life and Teaching of Buddha,’” in Rashid al-Din's History of India: Collected Essays with Facsilmiles and Indices (London: Mouton & Co., 1965), xxxi–lxxviiGoogle Scholar, here xl; discussed as well in Sheila R. Canby, “Depictions of Buddha Sakyamuni in the Jami‘ al-Tavarikh and the Majma al-Tavarikh,” Muqarnas 10, special issue, “Essays in Honor of Oleg Grabar” (Brill, 1993): 299–310, here 301. Also, Hillenbrand, Robert, “Non-Islamic Faiths in the Edinburgh Biruni Manuscript,” in Hillenbrand, R., Peacock, A.C.S., and Abdullaeva, Firuza, eds., Ferdowsi, the Mongols and the History of Iran: Art, Literature and Culture from Early Islam to Qajar Persia (London: I. B. Taurus & Co. Ltd., 2013), 306–15Google Scholar, here 308. Hillenbrand notes that the Sabian idols in al-Buiruni's illustrated work resemble Buddhist figures. These may have contributed to Rashid al-Din's thoughts about Buddhist inhabitants of Mecca.

81 Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh, pt. 1, 27.

82 Karl Jahn, Kamalashri-Rashid al-Din's Life and Teaching of Buddha, n. 25, xl.

83 Elverskog, Buddhism and Islam, 173.

84 Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami‘ u't-tawarikh, pt. 1, 8, also 7–9.

85 Barrett, Timothy, “History,” in Lopez, Donald S. Jr., ed., Critical Terms for the Study of Buddhism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 124–42Google Scholar, here 125, 134. I thank an anonymous CSSH reader for this reference.

86 Oh, Leo Jungeon, “Islamicised Pseudo-Buddhist Iconography in Ilkhanid Royal Manuscripts,” Persica 20 (2005): 91–154Google Scholar, here 107.

87 Emel Esin, “Turkic and Ilkhanid Universal Monarch Representations and the Cakravartin,”Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth International Congress of Orientalists, 4–10 Jan. 1964 (New Delhi: n.p.), 86–132.

88 Hillenbrand, Robert, “Propaganda in the Mongol ‘World History,’” British Academy Review 17 (Mar. 2011): 29–38Google Scholar, here 38.

89 Blair, Sheila S., A Compendium of Chronicles: Rashid al-Din's Illustrated History of the World, in Raby, Julian, general ed., The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, vol. 27 (New York: The Nour Foundation, Oxford University Press, 1995)Google Scholar, folios 274a, 276b, 277b.

90 Blair, Sheila S., “Patterns of Patronage and Production in Ilkhanid Iran: The Case of Rashid al-Din,” in Raby, Julian and Fitzherbert, Teresa, eds., The Court of the Ilkhans, 1290–1340 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 39–62Google Scholar, here 43–44.

91 Bernard Lewis, “Bārak Bābā,” Encyclopædia Iranica 2, I, 1031; H. Algar, “Barâq Bâbâ,” Encyclopædia Iranica, III, 754–55.

92 Elverskog, Buddhism and Islam, 115. See also Yidan, Wang, Bosi Lashite “Liji—Zhongguo li” yanjiu yu wenben fanyi (A study and collated translation of Rashid al-Din's history of China in Jami al-Tavarikh) (Beijing: Kunlun Press, 2006), 123–24Google Scholar.

93 Said, Orientalism, 20–21.

94 Pratt, Mary Louise, “Arts of the Contact Zone,” Profession 91 (1991): 33–40Google Scholar.

95 Campbell, Mary B., “The Utter East: Merchant and Missionary Travels during the ‘Mongol Peace,’” in The Witness and the Other World: Exotic European Travel Writing, 400–1600 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), 87–121Google Scholar, here 112.

96 Jackson, Peter, The Mongols and the West (London: Pearson Longman Press, 2005)Google Scholar, 315.

97 Aigle, Denise, “The Mongol Invasions of Bilad al-Sham by Ghazan Khan and Ibn Taymiyah's Three ‘Anti-Mongol’ Fatwas,” Mamluk Studies Review 11, 2 (2007): 89–120Google Scholar, here 99, 115–16.

98 Pavlin, James, “Sunni Kalam and Theological Controversies,” in Nasr, S. H. and Leaman, O., eds., History of Islamic Philosophy (London: Routledge), 105–18Google Scholar; Hallaq, W. B., Ibn Taymiyya against the Greek Logicians (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Ansary, Tamim, Destiny Disrupted (New York: Public Affairs, 2009), 161–64Google Scholar.

99 Rumi, Kulliyat-e Shams-e Tabrizi, Forouzanfar, Badiozzaman, ed., Houshmand, Zara, trans. (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1988)Google Scholar, Poem, 302.

100 Amitai-Preiss, Reuven, “Sufis and Shamans: Some Remarks on the Islamization of the Mongols in the Ilkhanate,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42, 1 (1999): 27–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 28.

101 Amitai-Preiss, Reuven, “Ghazan, Islam and Mongol Tradition: A View from the Mamluk Sultanate,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, 1 (1996): 1–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 9.

102 Bausani, A., “Religion under the Mongols,” in Boyle, J. A., ed., The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), vol. 5, 538–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 543.

103 William of Rubruck, Journey to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253–55 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900)Google Scholar, 146. For a more recent edition, see: The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck: His Journey to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke 1253–1255, Jackson, P. and Morgan, D., eds., Jackson, P., trans. (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1990)Google Scholar.

104 Bacon, Roger, The Opus Majus, Burke, Robert Belle, trans. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1928)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, vol. I, 324.

105 Bacon, Opus Majus, vol. 1: 287, 323, 385, 388, vol. 2: 789, 806.

106 DeWeese, Devin. “The Influence of the Mongols on the Religious Consciousness of Thirteenth-Century Europe,” Mongolian Studies 5 (1978/1979): 41–78Google Scholar, here 59. See also Ruotsala, A., “The Encountering of Mongols and Mendicants in the 13th Century,” Mongolica: An International Annual of Mongol Studies 13, 34 (2003): 278–282Google Scholar.

107 Westacott, E., Roger Bacon in Life and Legend (New York: Philosophical Library, 1953)Google Scholar, 80.

108 Llull, Ramon, A Contemporary Life, Bonner, Anthony, ed. and trans. (Barcelona: Tamesis Barcino, 2010)Google Scholar, 67.

109 Beckwith, Christopher I., Warriors of the Cloisters: The Central Asian Origins of Science in the Medieval World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 25.

110 Llull, Ramon, Book of the Gentile, in Bonner, Anthony, ed., Selected Works of Ramon Llull (1232–1316) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985)Google Scholar, vol. 1, 303.

111 The ideal of inclusiveness associated with Mongol rule was still in vogue when Edward Gibbon wrote his celebrated History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (London: Methuen & Co., 1909)Google Scholar, vol. 7, 4, n. 8, in which he referred with admiration to the religious tolerance of the Mongols: “But it is the religion of Zingis that best deserves our wonder and applause. The Catholic inquisitors of Europe, who defended nonesense by cruelty, might have been confounded by the example of a barbarian, who anticitpated the lessons of philosophy and established by his laws a system of pure theism and perfect toleration.” Accurate or not, this was a long-lived perception from the Mongol era.

112 Hillgarth, J. N., Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth-Century France (Oxford: Claredon Press, 1971)Google Scholar, 49.

113 “The Third Letter of John of Monte Corvino,” in Dawson, Christopher, ed., The Mongol Mission (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1955), 228–31Google Scholar, here 228.

114 “The Letter of Andrew of Perugia,” in Dawson, Christopher, ed., The Mongol Mission (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1955), 235–37Google Scholar, here 237.

115 Jacoby, David, “Marco Polo, His Close Relatives, and His Travel Accounts: Some New Insights,” Mediterranean Historical Review 21, 2 (2006): 193–218CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 203.

116 Polo, Marco, The Travels, Latham, Ronald, trans. (New York: Penguin Books, 1958)Google Scholar, 279, 283.

117 Polo, Travels, 283. Kamalashri also conveyed that the Buddha died and was reborn eighty-four thousand times. There are also numerous references to animals and non-killing. Karl Jahn, “Kamalashri-Rashid al-Din's Life and Teaching of Buddha,” 96, 103,105,111.

118 See Wilson, Joseph A. P., “The Life of the Saint and the Animal: Asian Religious Influence in the Medieval Christian West,” Journal for the Study of Religion, Nature and Culture 3, 2 (2009): 169–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 179, 181, 183.