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The National Conference Phenomenon in Francophone Africa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Pearl T Robinson
Pearl T Robinson
Affiliation:
Tufts University
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Extract

On February 19, 1990 a national conference opened in Benin at the Hotel PLM-Aledjo in Cotonou. Participants included representatives of the ruling People's Revolutionary Party, trade unionists, civil servants, students, religious leaders, a few agricultural producers, elements of the military, former heads of state, as well as Beninese living and working abroad. Members of the diplomatic corps and officials from the international financial institutions (IFIs) were also in attendance. The conferees claimed to represent the nation in its entirey—toutes les forces vives de la nation, quoi quoi que soient leurs affinitées. In reality, they were drawn from the political class and the educated elites of civil society. President Mathieu Kérékou opened the conference with a call for political renewal and a pledge to implement the IMF's structural adjustment program. He focused on the country's severe economic crisis and called on the delegates to draw up a list of the problems to be addressed.

Type
Post-Colonial Identity
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 36 , Issue 3 , July 1994 , pp. 575 - 610
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1994

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50 Trevorje, Albert, keynote address at a conference on “Democratization, Human Rights and Development in Africa: Lessons for the 21st Century” (Lincoln University, PA, 04 1–3, 1992). The PSPC's symposium paralleled a strikingly similar event in Haiti. From December 5–8, 1989, the Haitian Society of History and Geography hosted a conference on “Haiti et la Révolution Française: Filiation, Rupture, Nouvelle Dimensions” in Port-of-Prince. The presidential elections that swept Jean-Baptiste Aristide into power were held in December 1990.Google Scholar

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60 The case for the convergence of internal political factors and external economic factors was being made by Nigerien economist Garba Bello Tiousso at least a year before the national conference convened “Arguments en faveur du multipartisme” [mimeo, n.d.], and other papers written by Tiousso circulated clandestinely until liberalizing reforms allowed for more open political debate.

61 In precolonial times, the Touareg politically dominated the southern regions of the Sahara Desert. They sustained armed resistance against French colonial rule into the 1920s. As a nomadic ethnic community dispersed across present-day Niger, Mali, Algeria, Libya, and Mauritania, their lifestyle is at odds with the territorial boundaries of the post-colonial state. The Touaregs have born the brunt of the droughts of the 1970s and 1980s and have been politically marginalized by governments intent on sedantarizing nomadic populations. With help from Libya's Colonel Khadaffri beginning in the 1970s, some Touaregs formed armed opposition groups [see Touaregs, , Exil et Résistance, La Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée, 57 (1990)].Google Scholar For an analysis of the complexities of the Khadaffi connection, see Robinson, Pearl T., “Playing the Arab Card: Niger and Chad's Ambivalent Relations with Libya,” in Bruce Arlinghaus, African Security Issues: Sovereignty, Stability and Solidarity (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984), 171–84.Google Scholar

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67 Mainassara, Boureima, Pratiques Syndicales et Conscience de Classes au Niger, Tombe II (Niamey: L'Imprimerie National du Niger, 1989), 79–85. Until July 1981, the USTN held the presidency of the Social Security Trust Fund. A structural adjustment program went into effect that year, and the USTN was removed from the presidency by decree of the Council of Ministers.Google Scholar

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70 Decoudras, Pierre-Maire, “L'aide internationale,” Politique Africaine, 38 (06 1990), 88. Debt ceased rising with the forgiveness of all commercial debt in 1991, but the debt service ratio continued to hover in the 30 to 35 percent range.Google Scholar

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75 République du Niger, loi no. 91–002 du 24 avril 1991, portant révision de la Constitution du 24 septembre 1989.

76 République du Niger. Présiderice de la République, Décret No 91–075/PRN du 4 mai 1991 portant créatiori et attributions d'une Commission Préparatoire de la Conférence Nationale. The two unaffiliated unions, the Syndicat National des Enseignants et Chercheurs du Supérieur (SNECS) and the Syndicat National de l'Administration Diplomatiques (SNAD), represent university instructors and researchers, and agents with the diplomatic corps.

77 This synopsis of events surrounding the women's march is compiled from République du Niger, Commission Nationale Préparatoire de Ia Coriférience Nationale (CNPCN), Résultat des Travaux Niamey, du 13 mai au 17 juin 1991, pp. 4–20; an interview with Bagna Aïssata Fall, president of the Women's Co-ordinating Committee, published in the newspaper, Haske, 1–30 May 1991, p. 5; and conversations with several of the participants.

78 In discussions with some of the protesters, I learned that the idea of organizing a demonstration emerged spontaneously at the closing session of a UNESCO-sponsored seminar on the role of women in development. Fortuitously, this.event was held in Niamey on the eve of the planning commission's first session. The contradiction between the lofty resolutions about the importance of women to the development process and the near absence of women from the democratization process was too blatant for the participants to ignore.

79 Initially the preparatory commission had 7 representatives each from the government, the USTN, the USN and the business and management sector; 2 representatives each for 18 political parties; and 2 each for the 2 professional unions not affiliated with the USTN.

80 Two members of the commission supported the demand for women's representatives but were overruled by the majority opinion.

81 République du Niger, loi no. 91–005 du 20 mai 1991 relative aux partis politiques, states that no political party could be based “exclusively on religious, language or regional affiliation;” nor could parties organize to promote the objectives of people “belonging to the same sex, ethnic group, or professional status.” Here again the French Revolution offers a relevant historical analogy. The Convention outlawed women's clubs in 1793.

82 At this stage of the transition process, the National Assembly was still comprised entirely of MNSD deputies. If the regime had truly wanted to take a stand in defense of women's rights, the legislature was the one arena in which President Saibou still had the votes to win.

83 Among the observer delegates, 50 slots were allocated to aid donors, 10 to the international press, 2 to the African League of Human Rights, and 2 to the Association of African Jurists.

84 Adam, El Back, “La Polemique des quotas: une question de logique,” Haske no. 16, 1–15 août 1991, p. 14;Google Scholar and Abdourahmane, Soli, Conférence Nationale du Niger (Niamey: Impremerie des Arts Graphiques du Niger, n.d.), 34–48.Google Scholar

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86 Is the tennis court analogy with the Estates-General's merely fortuitous?

87 Niger, Conférence Nationale, Act II: Reglement Intérieur.

88 Despite the gross representational asymmetry, only the Nigerien human rights group Democracy Liberty and Development (DLD) and a few lawyers criticized the compromise.

89 Niger, Conférence Nationale, Act III, 9 aotlt 1991.

90 CNPCN, Résultat des Travaux, pp. 4–20.Google Scholar

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92 Only 24 of Power's 100 delegates participated in the tally. Cheiffou received 23 of those voting but fell far short of the 51 supporters needed to win Power's vote.

93 Mariama Banakoye was named Minister of Civil Service, and Aissata Bagna became Minister of Social Development, Population and Women's Affairs. Mme. Bagna had been the president of the women's coordinating committee during the pre-conference protests.

94 This summary represents the way in which Nigeriens dramatized the cultural schema. The analysis would have to be done on a state-by-state basis to determine whether, and in precisely what ways, other Francophone Africans enacted the script.

95 The lack of the French connection explains in part why President Mobutu of Zaire was able to refuse to yield authority to a national conference for more than a year. He insisted that the conference would not be empowered to make constitutional changes and contended that only the President could name a prime minister (Shiner, Cindy, “Mobutu Blocks Zaire Democracy Moves,” Africa News [06 22-07 5, 1992], pp. 1, 4).Google Scholar

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97 Mali's transition government signed a peace accord with political representatives of its nomadic Touaregs in April 1992, but sporadic skirmishes continued.

98 Kpatindé, , “Tension persistante au Togo,” Jeune Afrique, no. 1621 (30 janvier-4 février 1992).Google Scholar

99 Kpatindé, , “Paix des braves à Niamey,” Jeune Afrique, no. 1632 (16–22 avril 1992), 24–25. The politically amputated President, General Saibou, helped negotiate an end to the army mutiny. He also asked Côte d'Ivoire's President Houphouet-Boigny, who was vacationing in France, to intervene with the French government to transfer money to Niger to pay salaries.Google Scholar

100 Thiam, Jean-Bruno, “Congo: après les états généraux de l'armée,” Jeune Afrique, no. 1629 (26 mars-ler avril 1992), 26–27.Google Scholar

101 Ortner, , High Religion, 18.Google Scholar

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104 The World Bank's 1991 Niger report forecasts no increase in consumer income through 1998.