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The Pathos of Exile: Old Lutheran Refugees in the United States and South Australia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

David A. Gerber
David A. Gerber
Affiliation:
State University of New York at Buffalo
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Extract

Beginning in 1613, when the Prussian royal family converted to Calvinism while the vast majority of its subjects remained part of the state-regulated Lutheran church, the Hohenzollern kings found themselves living with an anomalous religious situation. Royal discontent with this circumstance had always existed, but efforts to bring about a change failed until, in the years after the Napoleonic Wars, Frederick William III resolved to take decisive action. A pious man and conscientious theologian, the king was deeply troubled by the continuing existence among large numbers of his subjects of rationalism and religious indifferentism, legacies of the Enlightenment. Moreover, reflecting on the defeat of Prussia by the French in 1806, he was also committed to national regeneration, which seemed blocked not only by the lack of religiosity he perceived, but by the disunity inherent in the religious gulf which separated Reformed monarch and Lutheran subject. In 1817, with the three-hundredth anniversary of the Reformation in mind, he proclaimed the intention to merge the Reformed and Lutheran churches of Prussia, and proceeded actively to involve himself in framing a common agenda for the doctrine of the new church. Serving God and the state in one bold stroke, the king was doubtless proud of the decision, and the large majority of his Lutheran subjects and their pastors unquestioningly accepted it.

Type
Space and Ethnic Distinctions
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 26 , Issue 3 , July 1984 , pp. 498 - 522
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1984

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References

The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance, in facilitating research for this essay, of the Fulbright Fellowship Program, the Australian-American Educational Foundation, the Research Foundation of the State of New York, and the Flinders University of South Australia.

1 The principal German-language texts on the Old Lutherans are Iwan, Wilhelm. Um des Glaubens Willen nach Australien: Eine Episode deulscher Auswanderung (Breslau. 1931)Google Scholar; idem, Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung um die Mine des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Breslau, 1943)Google Scholar; Foerster, Erich, Die Entstehung der preussichen Landeskirche unler der Regierung Freidrich Wilhelms des Dritten, 2 vols. (Tübingen. 1907)Google Scholar; and. in translation. Clemens, Lieselotte, Old Lutheran Emigration from Pomerania to the U.S.A.: History and Motivation. 1839–1843. Peters, Joachim, trans. (Hamburg, 1976).Google Scholar I have endeavored to cite English-language secondary sources whenever possible.

2 A point very well developed in Baŝkauskas, Liucija, “The Lithuanian Refugee Experience and Grief,” International Migration Review. 15 (Spring–Summer 1981). 276–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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6 This is certainly not to be construed to suggest that works such as Laurence A. Glasco's pathbreaking doctoral dissertation, “Ethnicity and Social Structure: Irish, German, and Native-Born of Buffalo, N.Y., 1850–1860” (State University of New York at Buffalo 1973), later published (New York, 1980)Google Scholar; or Clyde, and Griffen's, SallyNatives and Newcomers: The Order ing of Opportunity in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Poughkeepsie (Cambridge, Mass.. 1978)Google Scholar; or Thernstrom's, StephanThe Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880–1970 (Cambridge, Mass., 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar fail to illuminate immigration and ethnicity in countless ways, or to enhance our understanding.

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16 Ibid., 23, 32, 59, 83–84; Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II, 9–50. The scriptural quotations are, in order of use, Isaiah 28:16, Matthew 22:21, and Matthew 10:23.Google Scholar

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22 Cf. Harmstorf, Ian, “German Migration, with Particular Reference to Hamburg, to South Australia, 1851–64” (M.A. thesis, Adelaide University, 1971), 6–12Google Scholar, plays down religious motives in favor of economic ones in early Lutheran (and German generally) migrations to South Australia. But Harmstorf does not make the argument successfully in the case of the Old Lutherans, because he refuses to take seriously the religious history of the group, which at one point he characterizes as largely composed of “ecclesiastical trivialities” (p. 19). Harmstorf is. of course, correct for later German immigrants, and his work on German immigration and the secular side of German life in South Australia has set a high standard for future inquiry.

23 Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 86–92Google Scholar; Swäbische Merkur, 21 June 1843. p. 622:Google ScholarIwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, I, 231, 236.Google Scholar

24 Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II. 80.Google Scholar

25 Ibid., 80–82.

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30 “Die Geschichte der Buffalo Synode, 1859–1866,” Wachende Kirche [Buffalo], 60:6 (1926), 7.Google Scholar

31 Quoted in ibid.; original date and source not precisely identified.

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34 Kirchliches Informatorium, 1 03 1857, p. 103.Google Scholar

35 Ferm, , Crisis in American Lutheran Theology, 117Google Scholar; Wolf, Richard Charles, “The Americanization of German Lutherans, 1683–1829” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1947).Google Scholar

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37 Kirchliches Informatorium, 15 March 1852, p. 88 (advertisement).Google Scholar

38 Beck, Walter H., Lutheran Elementary Schools in the United States: A History of the Development of Parochial Schools and Synodical Educational Policies and Programs (St. Louis, 1939), 124–26Google Scholar; Kirchliches Informatorium, 1 August 1853, p. 8Google Scholar; Weltbürger [Buffalo], 16 October 1850.Google Scholar

39 Kirchliches Informatorium, 15 January 1852, p. 55.Google Scholar

40 Ibid., 15 August 1855, p. 8.

41 Ibid., 1 November 1855, p. 48.

42 Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame?” 125Google Scholar; “Die Geschichte der Buffalo Synode,” 7.

43 Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Immigration and Early Relations,” 1 ff.Google Scholar; idem, “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame” 97–101Google Scholar; Reve, , Kurzgefasst Geschichte der Lutherischen Kirche, 228–35, 317–21Google Scholar; Der Lutheraner [St. Louis], 17 (18 September 1860), 17–19Google Scholar; 23 (1 August 1866). 177–78 (for “barbarian American wrong”).

44 Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame?” 108–10, 126.Google Scholar It was also the case that Grabau discouraged missionary activity (Meuser, , Formation of the American Lutheran Church, 16Google Scholar). This, too, must have limited the possibility of an increase in membership. A later Buffalo Synod commentator, discussing reasons for the Missouri Synod's growth, relative to that of Buffalo, stated that “America is not Germany, and what in Germany will bring about full success, may here bring about ruin” (“Die Geschichte der Buffalo Synode,” 7).

45 Reve, , Kurzgefasst Geschichte der Lutherischen Kirsche, 234–35Google Scholar; Meuser, , Formation of the American Lutheran Church, 16.Google Scholar Luther himself was particularly concerned about the abuse of excommunication by church authorities, especially in matters he regarded as secular; Grabau, however, eventually did employ the ban in matters of this sort. For Luther's position, see Luther, Martin, “Twenty-Seven Proposals for Improving the State of Christendom,” in Martin Luther: Selections from His Writings, Dillenberger, John, ed. (New York, 1961), 435–36, 454, 497.Google Scholar

46 The Reverend Paul Theodore Bürger, Chronik der Ersten Evangelicalischen Lutherischen Driefaltigskeits Gemeinde, U.A.C. in Buffalo, N.Y. (Buffalo, 1889), 7–20Google Scholar; Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Immigration and Early Relations,” 14–16.Google Scholar

47 Quoted in Henning, G., Wie Grabau Lehrt und Schwört!, oder Erklärurgen über die in der Dreifaltigkeits—Gemeinde des Pastor Grabau zu Buffalo vorgefallenen Streitigkeiten (Buffalo, 1868), 6 (quotation), 7.Google Scholar

48 Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame?” 125–31Google Scholar; Reve, , Kurzegesätze Geschichte der Lutherischen Kirche, 320Google Scholar; Der Lutheraner, 24 (15 December 1866), 57–58, 61Google Scholar; 25 (9 March 1867), 110–11, 116–17; Henning, , Wie Grabau Lehrt und Schwört!Google Scholar

49 Pike, , Paradise of Dissent, 74–95, 145–65, 169 ff.Google Scholar; Williams, Michael, “The Geography of South Australia, 1840,” in Studies in Australian Geography, Drury, G. H. and Logan, M.I., eds. (Melbourne, 1968), 71–82Google Scholar; Richards, Eric, “The Genesis of Secondary Industry in the South Australian Economy to 1876,” Australian Economic History Review, 15 (09 1975), 109–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weaver, Glen D. and Rays, H. F., “Colonial Germans in South Australia,” Journal of Geography, 58 (11 1959), 370.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

50 Harmstorf, , “German Migration,” 25Google Scholar. Isolation and distance from the Western civilization which spawned contemporary Australia have emerged as major themes in the nation's historical self-understanding since the appearance of Blainey's, GeoffreyThe Tyranny of Distance: How Distance Shaped Australia's History (Melbourne, 1966).Google Scholar

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54 Zweck, J., “Church and State Relations as They Affected the Lutheran Church and School in South Australia, 1838–1900” (Masters thesis. University of Melbourne, 1971), 27Google Scholar; Gale, , ”German Settlement of Hahndorf,” 17–18.Google Scholar

55 E.g., Gerstaecker, Freidrich, Narrative of a Journey round the World. (New York, 1854), 468.Google Scholar Gerstaecker wrote of Tanunda, the principal German town of the Barossa Valley, “Tanunda is a nice place, but entirely German. There are German public houses, a German drug store, German doctors, stores, blacksmith, carpenter, school, church; in fact everything is German; and walking through the streets, the form of some house alone shows an English character. In every other respect, the traveler would believe himself in some little village of the old country between the Rhine and the Oder.” A recent survey, which charts the full impact of this Germanness on both the built and social environments is Young's, GordonEarly German Settlements in the Barossa Valley, South Australia (Adelaide, 1978).Google Scholar

56 Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 73Google Scholar; Gale, , “German Settlement of Hahndorf,” 18–19Google Scholar; Grope, , ”Story of Klemzig,” 32Google Scholar; Heidrich, Laura and Freund, Dora, trans. Memoirs of Anna Ex (n.p., n.d.), 35–42Google Scholar (for the extremely restrictive cultural and recreational climate of the German towns in the 1840s and, especially, the 1850s).

57 Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 84–91Google Scholar; Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 99–100Google Scholar; Hebart, , United Evangelical Lutheran Church in Australia, 41, 59, 60.Google Scholar For an excellent exposition of Kavel's complex views on church-state relations, see Zweck, , “Church and State Relations,” esp. 30, 40–52.Google Scholar

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59 See Pike, , Paradise of Dissent, 263Google Scholar, for astute remarks on the complex roles filled by the pastors; Abbe, D. Van, “August Ludwig Christian Kavel”, and “Gotthard Daniel Fritzche,” Australian Dictionary of Biography (Melbourne, 1967), II, 33–34.Google Scholar

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62 Brauer, , “Krumnow Once More,” 66.Google Scholar

63 Brauer, A., “Another Page from the Life of the Fathers,” Australian Lutheran Almanac (Adelaide, 1930), 60–63.Google Scholar

64 The literature on millennialism and social change is immense, spanning societies from Melanesia to Europe and North America. I have profited from Cross, Whitney R., The Burned-Over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850 (Ithaca, 1950)Google Scholar; Cohen, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York, 1957)Google Scholar; Hill, Christopher, Puritanism and Revolution (London, 1958)Google Scholar; Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (London, 1963)Google Scholar; Wallace, Anthony F. C., The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York, 1970).Google Scholar

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69 This incident is related in Gerstaecker, , Narrative of a Journey, 468–69.Google Scholar Another story present in the oral tradition of South Australia, and even more difficult to credit, has it that Kavel and followers once climbed the Kaiser Stuhl, carrying chains, to capture the Devil; this action would have also fulfilled prophecy relevant to Christ's return and found in Revelation, chapter 20. The latter incident is related by Ian Harmstorf, to whom I am also grateful for the Gerstaecker citation, in the Sunday Mail [Adelaide], 9 October 1977, p. 135.Google Scholar

70 Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 53–62Google Scholar; Iwan, , Um des Glaubens Willen nach Australien, 64–69.Google Scholar

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73 Rose, Peter I., “Some Thoughts about Refugees and the Descendants of Theseus,” International Migration Review, 15 (Spring–Summer 1981), 10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

74 E.g., the American Puritans, on whom the literature is voluminous. But see especially Morgan, Edmund S., Puritan Dilemma: John Winthrop (Boston, 1958)Google Scholar; Lockridge, Kenneth A., A New England Town: The First Hundred Years (New York, 1970).Google Scholar