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Sacred Symbol and Sacred Space in Rural India: Community Mobilization in the “Anti-Cow Killing” Riot of 1893

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Anand A. Yang
Anand A. Yang
Affiliation:
University of Utah
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Extract

The course of events leading up to 1947, when independence and partition came to the Indian subcontinent, has colored retrospectiveassessments of Hindu-Muslim relations in many perceptible ways.Polarities in religion and culture receive inordinate attention as theharbingers of the great divide yet to come, as do political developments asturning points in the eventual separate destinies of many Hindus and Muslims in South Asia.

Type
Measures of Belief
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 22 , Issue 4 , October 1980 , pp. 576 - 596
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1980

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References

1 For further discussion of the relationships between group identities and the politicalprocess, see Brass, Paul R., Language, Religion and Politics in North India (Cambridge, 1974), 23–47.Google Scholar Also, Ghaznavi, Masoon, “Recent Muslim Historiography in South Asia: TheProblem of Perspective, ” Indian Economic and Social History Review 11 (06–09, 1974), 183–215, for some of the recent literature on Hindu and Muslim relations.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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5 For different official interpretations, see “Measure to be taken to control the agitationfor the Protection of Kine” and enclosures, in India, Public and Judicial Papers, L/P/6/367, no. 257 of 1894. This file consists of the major reports from the various provinces thatwere effected by the anti-cow killing agitation.

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10 See Holton, Robert J., “The Crowd in History: Some Problems of Theory and Method, ” Social History, 3 (05 1978), 219–33, for an excellent discussion of theliterature and the shortcomings.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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17 The district was overhwelmingly rural in the late nineteenth century. Less than 3percent of its population was urban-based. And of the twelve localities designated towns in1891. only Chapra (57.000), Siwan (17, 000) and Revelganj (13, 000) deserve theidentification. See my “Control and Conflict, ” 16–17.

18 Testimony of Nathuni the butcher in Trial of the Basantpur Riot Case in the Court of theSessions Judge of Saran, 1893 (Calcutta, 1894), 15. Crowd figures here and elsewhererepresent the lowest estimations.Google Scholar

19 Unless noted otherwise, the events leading up to Basantpur are reconstructed from thereports of the investigation by the magistrate; see Manisty, G. E. to Commissioner, no. 2622, 10 Oct. 1893, in Bengal Judicial Proceedings, Police Dept., Nov. 1894, nos. 31 and 33, respectively (hereafter cited as Manisty Report I & II).Google Scholar

20 Testimony of Inspector Ghosal, Gyatri Prosunno. in Basantpur Trial, 36.Google Scholar

21 Ibid. 25. Pohari Baba. and Mohabir jee were important preachers; Kali, wife of Shivais a popular Goddess in Bihar.

22 Cited in ibid., 26.

23 LeMesurier, H., Offg. Magistrate and Collector on special duty, to Cssner. of Patna. 3Nov. 1893. in Bengal Judicial Proceedings, Police Dept.. Nov. 1894. no. 36 (hereafterLeMesurier Report).Google Scholar

24 Manisty Report I.

25 Cited in Ibid. The advent of the rule of Ram, an incarnation of Vishnu, indicates thereturn of a Golden Age.

26 Marindinto, C. R. GOB, 8Aug. 1900.Google Scholar Bengal Judicial Proceedings, 07 1900. 121. See also my Control and Conflict, “ 80–132 and Cohn, Bernard S.. “The British in Benares: ANineteenth Century Colonial Society, ” Comparative Studies in Society and History 4 (1961–1962). 169–99. for details on the enormous gulf that separated rulers and ruled.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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29 Telegram from GOB to Majaraja of Hathwa. 7 Sept. 1893, in Ibid., and H. J. S.Cotton. Chief Secretary. GOB to H. LeMesurier. 19 Sept. 1893, no. 164J-D, in Patna Commissioner's (P.C.) General Basta (bundle) no. 307, 1893. LeMesurier. who wasdeputed with magisterial powers to investigate the anti-kine killing agitation in Bihar, wasasked to pay “special attention to bringing home to land holders and others … their fullresponsibility for riots and similar offences committed in their villages and estates.” See alsomy “An Institutional Shelter: The Court of Wards in Late Nineteenth Century Bihar.”Modern Asian Studies 13 (1979). 227–44.Google Scholar

30 “Bankipur Durbar Address of Lieutenant-Governor, ” n.d., in PC, General Basta no.307. See also MacDonnell, A. P. to Marquess of Lansdowne, no. 86. 4 Aug. 1893, inLansdowne Papers, Correspondence with Persons In India, 07 to 12. 1893, vol. 2.Google Scholar

31 Cotton, H. J. S., Chief Secretary, GOB, to Secretary, Government oflndia.no. 849–D, 28 Oct. 1893, in L/P/6/367, no. 257 of 1894, enclosure 6.Google Scholar

32 Manisty Report, I.

33 Compiled from “Annual General Administration Report, Patna Division, ” for 1888–1889, 1889–1890, 1890–1891, 1891–1892. 1892–1893, in Bengal General (Misc.)Proceedings. Aug. 1889, 77; Dec. 1890, 352–53; Oct. 1891, 319: Dec. 1892, 538; and Dec.1893, 681–83, respectively.

34 Purit and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London, 1966), 114.Google Scholar

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36 Lord Lansdowne to Secretary of State for India, 27 Dec. 1893, in Public and JudicialPapers, L/P/6/365, 1894.

37 MacDonnell, A. P. to Forbes, A., Commissioner of Patna, 9 Nov. 1893, in MacDonnell Papers. See also “Memorand um to Secretary of the ‘Cow Memorial Fund' Society …, ”with Government of India to Secretary of State, 7 Jan. 1890, L/P/6/269, 1890, for theconfidential files on the important propagand ists of The Cow Protection Movement.Google Scholar

38 Forbes, A., Commissioner of Patna, to Chief Secretary, GOB, 27 Oct. 1893, inL/P/6/365, no. 257, end. 7 (hereafter Forbes Report).Google Scholar

39 Other officers were designated muharrirs (clerks), tahsildars (revenue collectors), jamadars (military officers), and piyadas (peons). See Ibid.

40 Bayly, C. A., The Local Roots of Indian Politics; Allahabad, 1880–1920 (Oxford, 1975), 57.Google Scholar

41 “Anniversary of Chapra Gaurakshini Sabha, ” 26 Dec. 1889. with Forbes Report, Appendix E. Forbes Report.

43 The annual fair at Sonepore convened for a fortnight when ritual bathing in the Gangeswas considered to impart great holiness. In its legendary past, Sonepore was associated withboth Hari (Vishnu) and Ram. See O'Malley, L. S. S., Bengal District Gazetteers: Saran (Calcutta, 1908), 166–68, for further details. Also Forbes Report on Sonepore's importancein publicizing the issue of the cow, and “Annual General Report for Patna for 1888–89, “which records that 250, 000 people attended the fair.Google Scholar

44 “Translation of Gari Benair (prayer of the cow). Madhubani Gaurakshini Sabha.Darbhanga.” with Forbes Report, Appendix E.

45 See “Case for the consideration of the Honorable Advocate General, “ by C. J. Lyall. Secretary, GOI, Home Dept., in L/P/6/367. end. 3.

46 Forbes Report.

47 Ibid.

48 “Annual General Report of Patna Division for 1893–94.“

49 Taziahs (copies of the tomb of Husain) were taken out in procession during theimportant Muslim event of Muharram. a period of mourning for Husain and his followers.See also Forbes Report.

50 Manisty Report, II.

51 M Testimony of Roshun, Raj. chaukidar at Basantpur. Basantpur Trial, 10–11.Google Scholar See also testimony of Singh, Mahadeo, chaukidar at Basantpur, 9–10.Google Scholar

52 Manisty Report. II.

53 Testimony of Ally, Shaikh Rahmat, carter for Bala indigo factory, in Basantpur Trial, 23.Google Scholar

54 Testimony of Kurmi, Anjur, a cultivator of Rampali, Basantpur Trial, 9.Google Scholar

55 Manisty Report, II.

56 Ibid.

57 See Basantpur Trial, 22.

58 Ibid. 54.

59 LeMesurier Report.

60 Skinner, G. William, “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China, ” Part I, Journal of Asian Studies 24 (11. 1964). 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Smith, Carol A., “Economics of MarketingSystems: Models from Economic Geography, ” in Annual Review of Anthropology, ed. by Siegal, Bernard J. et al., vol. 3 (1974), 167–201.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

61 Village Basantpur, Basantpur thana no. 358, Saran district Village Notes (hereafterVN. See also Hagen, James R. and Yang, Anand A., “Local Sources for the Study of RuralIndia: The 'Village Notes' of Bihar, ” Indian Economic and Social History Review 13(01.–03. 1976), 75–84, for further information regarding this source.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

62 Forbes Report and Basantpur village. VN.

63 Figures taken from Basantpur village, VN, which refer to 1917. Other castes inBasantpur were Brahmins (0.5 percent), Rajputs (8 percent), Kaysaths (4 percent), Koeris(1.5 percent), Kurmis (1 percent). Sheiks (0.5 percent), Chamars (4 percent), Ahirs (3percent), Kand us (1.5 percent), Gours (1.5 percent), Dusadhs (1.5 percent), Hajams (1percent). Dhobis (0.5 percent), Doms (1 percent), and Rangrezs (1.5 percent).

64 Ibid.

65 See Basantpur Trial, 21.

66 Saran District Gazetteer, 99.

67 Basantpur Trial, 49.

68 Ibid. 60.

69 Skinner, . “Marketing and Social Structure, ” Part I, 6.Google Scholar

70 Babhanuli village, Basantpur thana no. 319. VN.

71 Bala village. Basantpur thana no. 59. VN.

72 Nabiganj and Kishunpura village. Basantpur thana nos. 76 & 81. VN.73Forbes Report.

74 Saran District Gazetteer, 99.

75 Cited in testimony of Ali Hossein, constable, in Basantpur Trial, 51.

76 See testimonies of Inspector Ghosal, Ramattar Pershad. Birda Singh, and Khub Narain. in Ibid., 29, 53, 53, and 58, respectively.

77 Thompson, E. P., “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century, ” Past and Present 50 (02. 1971), 135.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Also, Hsieh, , “Peasant Insurrection and theMarketing Hierarchy, ” 124–41.Google Scholar

78 For instance, see Basantpur Trial, 54.

79 Ibid.21.

80 Ibid., 23.

81 Ibid., 57.

82 Forbes Report

83 Manisty Report, 1.

84 For further details on control and conflict in the agrarian society of Saran. see my “TheAgrarian Origins of Crime.”