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The Scandinavian Origins of the Social Interpretation of the Welfare State

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Peter Baldwin
Peter Baldwin
Affiliation:
Harvard University
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Extract

If a question can be mal posée, surely an interpretation can be mal étendue. This has been the fate of the social interpretation of the welfare state. The cousin of social theories of bourgeois revolution, the social interpretation of the welfare state is part of a broader conception of the course of modern European history that until recently has laid claim to the status of a standard. The social interpretation sees the welfare states of certain countries as a victory for the working class and confirmation of the ability of its political representatives on the Left to use universalist, egalitarian, solidaristic measures of social policy on behalf of the least advantaged. Because the poor and the working class were groups that overlapped during the initial development of the welfare state, social policy was linked with the worker's needs. Faced with the ever-present probability of immiseration, the proletariat championed the cause of all needy and developed more pronounced sentiments of solidarity than other classes. Where it achieved sufficient power, the privileged classes were forced to consent to measures that apportioned the cost of risks among all, helping those buffeted by fate and social injustice at the expense of those docked in safe berths.

Type
The Unexpected Origins of Social Policy
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 31 , Issue 1 , January 1989 , pp. 3 - 24
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1989

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References

This essay is part of a larger study on ‘The Politics of Social Solidarity and the Class Basis of the European Welfare State, 1875–1975” that will also cover France, Germany, and Britain. I am grateful to Lawrence Stone, Peter Mandler, and other members of the Davis Seminar at Princeton for a thorough working over, and to the American-Scandinavian Foundation for resources to conduct the research. I also owe Daniel Levine a helpful reading of the manuscript.

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14 Betœnkning afgiven af den ifølge Kgl. Resolution af 20de September 1875 til Undersøgelse af Arbeiderforholdene i Danmark nedsatte Kommission (Copenhagen, 1878), 71–77, 81–83.Google Scholar Background in Warmdahl, G., “Statens Stilling til Arbejdersporgsmaalet i halvfjerdserne: Arbejderkommissionen af 1875,” in Soule studier i dansk historie efter 1857, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1930), 64–81.Google Scholar

15 Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen, PR 404–07–2, Arbejderkommissionen af 1875, Minutes of a meeting 8 December 1875 or 1876. This was the argument put forth by V. Falbe-Hansen. A professor of statistics, he was a conservative deputy at the time, but later joined the upper house in 1909 as a royal appointee and a liberal.

16 Betœnkning, 87–89.Google Scholar

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18 Neergaard, N., Erindringer (Copenhagen, 1935), 235–40.Google ScholarFrede Bojsens politiske erindringer, Hvidt, Kristian, ed. (Copenhagen, 1963), 189ff.Google Scholar

19 Rigsdagstidende, Fr, 14 10 1890, col. 44–46Google Scholar. A general account is Poul Kierkegaard, “Frede Bojsen som Socialpolitiker,” in Mœnd og Meninger i Dansk Socialpolitik, 1866–1901, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1933), 67–107.Google Scholar

20 Rigsdagstidende, FT, 30 October 1890, col. 440–47.Google Scholar

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22 In 1890, the government had proposed legislation to reform poor relief by granting it, shorn of its usual demeaning consequences, to the worthy needy. Rigsdagstidende, 1890/91, 7i11œg A, col. 3393ff.; FT, 11 March 1891, col. 4537–45, 4591–97.

23 The conservatives managed to limit the state's obligation to refund municipal expenses to two million crowns annually. Not until 1902, after the final resolution of the parliamentary battle and liberal victory was this limit removed.

24 An excellent account of the relation between socialists and their political clientele in Denmark's agrarian society, with important implications for the history of socialism in general, is Lahme, Hans-Norbert, Sozialdemokratie und Landarbeiter in Danmark (1871–1900), (Odense, 1982).Google Scholar Also, Grelle, Henning, Socialdemokratiet i det danske landbrugssamfund, 1871-ca.1903 (Copenhagen, 1978)Google Scholar, and Nørregaard, Georg and Jensen, Hans, “Organisationsforsøg blandt Landarbejderne,” in Bidrag til Arbejderklassens og Arbejderspørgsmaalets Historie i Danmark fra 1864 ri1 1900, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1931), 54–202.Google Scholar

25 Thus, for example, socialists rejected the assumption of the Radical Liberals' bill that life was cheaper in rural than urban areas and that differential benefits were necessary. Rigsdagstidende, FT, 20 12 1890, col. 1823.Google Scholar

26 Sørensen, Torben Berg, Arbejderklassens organisering og socialpolitikkens dannelse (Copenhagen, 1978), 104–05, 168–74.Google Scholar

27 This is the argument made, with much supporting evidence on wages and contributions, in Knudsen, P., Sygeforsikring og Alderdomsforsørgelse: Betœnkning afgiven af det paa de københavnske og frederiksbergske Sygekassers Fœllesmøde den 29de og 30ie August 1883 nedsatte Udvalg (Copenhagen, 1888), 245–63 et passim.Google Scholar

28 Rasmussen, Else, “Socialdemokraternes Stilling til de sociale Spørgsmaal paa Rigsdagen, 1884–1890,” in Mœnd og Meninger i Dansk Socialpolitik, 1866–1901, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1933), 149.Google Scholar

29 Woolf, Hertha, Die Stellung der Sozialdemokratie zur deutschen Arbeiterversicherungsgesetzgebung von ihrer Entstehung an bis zur Reichsversicherungsordnung (Berlin, 1933), 45–46.Google Scholar

30 The German socialists' interest in contributory financing was tied to the relation between premiums and representation in the social insurance administrative councils, a motive absent in Denmark, where local authorities were to run the system.

31 Danes boasted that, whereas among their larger neighbors the cities were progressive and the countryside reactionary, in Denmark the situation was reversed (Brandes, Edvard, Fra 85 til 91: En politisk Oversigt (Copenhagen, 1891), 82).Google Scholar

32 Hansen, Svend Aage, Økonomisk vœkst i Danmark (Copenhagen, 1972), I, chs. 8, 9Google Scholar; Henriksen, Ole Bus and Anders, ølgaard, Danmarks udenrigshandel, 1874–1958 (Copenhagen, 1960).Google ScholarOverviews in English in Michael Tracy, Agriculture in Western Europe (New York, 1964),Google ScholarPubMed and Millward, Roy, Scandinavian Lands (London, 1964), ch. 8.Google Scholar

33 The comparison between Germany and Denmark in this respect was memorably drawn by Gerschenkron, Alexander in Bread and Democracy in Germany (Berkeley, 1943), 39–40.Google Scholar

34 The tax reforms of 1903 confirmed the political shift of 1901, when liberals finally replaced conservatives in government. Urban property was drawn into the distribution of burdens, and a general tax on income and wealth was introduced. Burdens were markedly shifted from rural to urban areas. Accounts are in Henningsen, H. C., “Beskatningsproblemet i Nutiden,” in Den danske Stat, 2d ed. Marstrand, Evenet al., eds, (Copenhagen, 1933), 320–64Google Scholar; Røgind, Sven, Danmarks Stats- og Kommuneskatter (Copenhagen, 1915), 7–12Google Scholar; Koefoed, Michael, “Skattesystemerne af 1802 og 1903,” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrifi, 41 (1903), 337–63Google Scholar; WiethKnudsen, K. A., Dansk Skattepolitik og Finansvœsen (Copenhagen, 1928), 47–52.Google Scholar

35 Nielsen, Helge and Thalbitzer, Victor, Skatter og Skatteforvaltning i œldre Tider (Copenhagen, 1948), 127Google Scholar; K., , “Hvorledes fordele Skatterne i Danmark sig paa de forskellige Samfundsklasser?” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrift, 32 (1894), 203–05.Google Scholar

36 Clausager, A., “Godsernes beskatningsforhold,” in Herregaardene og Samfundet, Mathiassen, Therkel (Copenhagen, 1943), 283–84.Google Scholar

37 In general, large businesses throughout Europe, especially if protected by tariffs, feared the increased productive costs of contributory social insurance least, small businesses most. Free-trading small businessmen, like Danish farmers, were therefore the strongest supporters of tax-financed social policy. Where they won, so did it. On business interests elsewhere, see Hans-Peter Ullmann, “Industrielle Interessen und die Entstehung der deutschen Sozialversicherung 1880–1889,” Historische Zeitschrift, 229: 3 (12 1979), 574–610Google Scholar; Hatzfeld, Henri, Du pauperisme á la Sécurité sociale (Paris, 1971), 137–41.Google Scholar

38 The German contributory system worked because it was aimed at the well-paid industrial labor aristocracy. Since Danish legislation focussed first and foremost on agricultural laborers with their lower wages, this would not do.

39 Møller, Poul, Gennembrudsȧr: Dansk politik i 50' erne (Copenhagen, 1974), 2.Google Scholar

40 A later account found that rural localities had profited most from the pension legislation. Rigsdagstidende, 1896/97, Tillœg B, col. 3101–10.

41 Bojsen, Frede, Lovgivningsvœrket 1890–95 og dets Følger (Copenhagen, 1898), 4–5Google Scholar; Birck, L. V., Told og Accise (Copenhagen, 1920), 217Google Scholar; Koefoed, Michael, “Skatterne i Danmark 1870–1900,” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrift, 40 (1902), 374.Google Scholar

42 Aage Sørensen, “Om Alderdomsunderstøttelse i Danmark, Australian med Ny Zeland og England,” Tidsskrift for Arbejderforsikring, 5 (1909/1910), 3–7.Google Scholar

43 The most sustained analysis linking the agricultural crisis, tax policy, and social reform is undertaken in Petersen, Den danske alderdomsforsørgelseslovgivnings udvikling, ch. 10, which fleshes out the hypotheses mentioned, but never developed, in Philip, Staten og Fattigdommen, 68–70, and Dich, Jørgen, Den herskende klasse: En kritisk analyse af social udbytning og midlerne imod den, 4th ed. (Copenhagen, 1973), 25–28.Google Scholar Also, Jensen, Hans, “LandarbejderspørgsmȦlets Udvikling i Danmark fra ca. 1870 til ca. 1900,” in Bidrag til Arbejderklassens og Arbejderspørgsmaalets Historie i Danmark fra 1864 til 1900, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, H., eds. (Copenhagen, 1931), 48–54.Google Scholar

44 It was no coincidence, Frede Bojsen, leader of the moderate liberals, explained in retrospect, that social reform was concerned with the groups most in need, with the working rural population that had not yet fallen to socialist agitation. The legislation passed was, in the main, aimed to fit rural conditions, without, however, giving other groups reason to complain (Bojsen, Lovgivningsvœrket, 4).

45 Accounts of military and tax reform are in Per Hultgvist, Försvar och skatter: Studier i svensk riksdagspolitik frȧan representationsreformen till kimpromissen 1873 (Göteborg, 1955); idem, Försvarsorganisationen, värnplikten och skatterna i svensk riksdagspolitik 1867–1878 (Göteborg, 1959); and Torgny Nevéus, Ett betryggande försvar: Värnplikten och arméorganisationen i svensk politik 1880–1885 (Stockholm, 1965).

46 Svensson, Jöm, Jordbruk och depression 1870–1900: En kritik av statistikens utvecklingsbild (Malmö, 1965).Google Scholar An overview in English is Montgomery, G. A., The Rise of Modern Industry in Sweden (London, 1939), 145ff.Google Scholar

47 Carlsson, Sten, Lantmannapolitiken och industrialismen: Partigruppering och opinionsförskjutningar i svensk politik 1890–1902 (Stockholm, 1953), 65–81; Arthur Montgomery, Svensk tullpolitik 1816–1911 (Stockholm, 1921),Google Scholar ch. 7; Kuuse, Jan, “Mechanisation, Conunercialisation, and the Protectionist Movement in Swedish Agriculture, 1860–1910,” Scaidiravian Economic History Review, 19: 1 (1971), 23–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

48 Rustow, Dankwart A., The Politics of Compromise: A Study of Parties and Cabinet Government in Sweden (Princeton, 1955), 40–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thermœnius, Edvard, Rigsdagspartierna, Vol. XVII of Sveriges Riksdag (Stikholm, 1935), ch. 6, esp. pp. 128–30Google Scholar; Sundberg, Per, Ministärerna Bildt och Akerhielm: En studie i den svenska parlamentarismens firgȦrdar (Stockholm, 1961).Google Scholar

49 The standard work on pensions is Elmér, Ȧke, Folkpensioneringen i Sverige: Med särskild hänsyn till ȧlderspensioneringen(Lund, 1960).Google ScholarDetailed accounts of the early phase of Swedish social insurance are Karl Englund, Arbetarförsäkringsfrȧgan i svensk politik, 1884–1901 (Uppsala, 1976)Google Scholar, and Mensing, Hans Peter, Erscheinungsformen schwedischer Sozialpolitik im ausgehenden 19. Jahrhundert: Adolf Hedin, das Arbeiterversicherungskomitee und die Gewerbeaufsicht nach 1890 (Kiel, 1979).Google Scholar An account in English is in Hugh Héclo, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden: From Relief to Income Maintenance (New Haven, 1974), 178–95.Google ScholarThe beginnings of the social-insurance debate are surveyed in Arthur Montgomery, Svensk socialpolitik under 1800-talet, 2d ed. (Stockholm 1951).Google Scholar

50 Arbetareförsäkringskomiténs betänkande (Stockholm, 1889), I, 3, 43–73.Google Scholar

51 Nya arbetareförsäkringskomiténs betänkande (Stockholm, 1893), I, 25–107.Google Scholar

52 The working class was defined to include those employed by others and having an income lower than 1,800 crowns annually, but to exclude casual laborers on the fringes between wage earners and the self-employed. These laborers had been included in Germany but with unfortunate results that the Swedes saw no reason to duplicate. To start with, 15 percent of the total population (35 percent of the working population) were to be included.

53 Nya arbetareförsäkringskomiténs betänkande, I, 141–48.Google Scholar

54 Prop. 1895:22, pp. 37–39, 43–58.

55 2SäU 1895:2, pp. 42–44, 49–50.

56 FK 1895:26, 27 April 1895, pp. 11–12, 45; FK 1895: 27, 27 April 1895, pp. 10–11.

57 Prop. 1898:55, pp. 12–21.

58 Ȧlderdomsförsäkringskommittén, I, Betänkande och förslag angȦende allmän pensionsförsäkring (Stockholm, 1912), 19–21, 40–44.Google Scholar

59 An important cause of the Swedes' concern with costs related to their demographic peculiarities. Blessed by unusual longevity and cursed by high emigration, the population's age profile was markedly skewed toward the older end. In 1900, Sweden had almost twice as many inhabitants over age seventy as Britain and Germany, and 15 and 20 percent more than even France and Denmark, respectively. Ȧlderdomsförsäkingskommittén, Kostnadsberäkningar, (Stockholm) II, 120Google Scholar; Ȧlderdomsfirsäkingskonm itten, Allmän pensionförsäkring, 61–63Google Scholar; Riksarkivet, Stockholm, 20/1, Alderdomsfirsäkingskommitten, Letter, Commission to StatsrȦdet, 9 March 1910; And. Lindstedt, Förslaget till lag om allmän pensionsförsäkring (Stockholm, 1913), 8–10.Google Scholar

60 Prop. 1913:126, pp. 28, 34, 48, 50, 126–27, 186–87.

61 Overviews in Lennart Jörberg, “The Industial Revolution in the Nordic Countries,” The Fontana Economic History of Europe, IV, 2Google Scholar; idem, Growth and Fluctuation of Swedish Industry, 1869–1912 (Lund, 1961)Google Scholar; idem, The Industrial Revolution in Scandinavia, 1850–1914 (London, 1970).Google Scholar

62 This program, formulated by August Palm, was largely a translation of the Danish Gimle program from 1876, in turn a rendition of the German socialists' Gotha program with, as its particular twist, a separate point on the agricultural question: Lindgren, John, Det socialdemokratiska arbetarpartiets uppkomst i Sverige 1881–1889 (Stockholm, 1927), 291–94.Google Scholar

63 In Denmark, agricultural workers were significantly represented in the party; this was not the case in Sweden in the 1890s. Axel Danielsson was the main Kautskien, Hjalmar Branting the reformist in the party (Nordström, G. Hilding, Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetarparti under gennombrottsȧren 1889–1894 (Stockholm, 1938), 184–85, 256, 261, 388–98, 613–23). On Branting's attitude, his “Industiarbetarparti eller folkparti?” (1895) in Tal och skrifter, 8, (Stickholm 19291. 48–50.Google Scholar

64 Tingsten, Herbert, The Swedish Social Democrats: Their Ideological Development (Totowa, N.J., 1973), 115–95.Google Scholar More specifically on agrarian issues, Björlin, Lars, “JordfrȦgan i svensk arbetarrörelse 1890–1920,” Arbetarrörelsens ȧrsbok, (Stockholm, 1974).Google Scholar

65 Hentilä, Seppo, Den svenska arbetarklassen och reformismens genombrott mom SAP före 1914 (Helsinki, 1979), 228–29Google Scholar; Edenman, Ragnar, Socialdemokratiska riksdagsgruppen 1903–1920 (Uppsala, 1946), 165–99, 278–80.Google Scholar

66 Arbetarrörelsens Arkiv, Stockholm, SAP, Riksdagsgruppen, minutes, 19 February 1913, 28 March 1913, 31 March 1913, 10 April 1913.

67 Arbetarrdrelsens Arkiv, Partistyrelsen, minutes, 14 April 1913. The unions wanted public subsidies raised substantially and the question of employer contributions re-examined because, they argued, some way had to be found to allow higher benefits than those foreseen in the 1913 law. LO, Berättelse, 1913, p. 10.

68 FK 1913:34, 21 May 1913, pp. 31–36.

69 AK 1913:48, 21 May 1913, pp. 44–64; AK 1913:49, 21 May 1913, pp. 31–36.

70 This is, of course, where the analysis here differs most markedly from that in Heclo, Hugh, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden (New Haven, 1974)Google Scholar, and in other attempts to “bring the state back in,” for example, Ann Shola Orloff and Theda Skocpol, “Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Spending in Britain, 1900–1911, and the United States, 1880s-1920,” American Sociological Review, 49: 6 (December 1984), 726–50; and, more generally, Evans, Peter B.et al., eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge, 1985).CrossRefGoogle Scholar