Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-s2hrs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-15T04:52:24.815Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Peter Charanis
Peter Charanis
Affiliation:
Rutgers, the State University
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In his account of the revolt of Thomas the Slavonian (820) against the Emperor Michael II (820–829) the Byzantine historian Genesius lists a variety of peoples from whom the armies of the rebel had been drawn: Saracens, Indians, Egyptians, Assyrians, Medes, Abasgians, Zichs, Vandals, Getae, Alans, Chaldoi, Armenians, adherents of the heretical sects of the Paulicians and the Athenganoi. Some of these peoples are well known; the identity of others, despite efforts made to determine it, is by no means certain. But in any case, their listing by the Byzantine historian illustrates vividly the multi-racial character of the Byzantine Empire. This was in the ninth century, but the situation was no different for the period before, and it would not be different for the period after. The Byzantine Empire was never in its long history a true national state with an ethnically homogeneous population. If by virtue of its civilization it may be called Greek, it was never, except perhaps during the very last years of its existence, an empire of Greeks.

Type
Research Article
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 3 , Issue 2 , January 1961 , pp. 140 - 154
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1961

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Genesius, , Historia (Bonn, 1834), p. 33Google Scholar.

2 Vasiliev, A. A.—Grégoire, H., Byzance et les Arabes, I (Brussels, 1935), pp. 31Google Scholar, note 2 Cf. Hirsch, , Byzantinische Studien (Leipzig, 1876), p. 131Google Scholar.

3 Cf. Charanis, Peter, “Ethnic Changes in the Byzantine Empire in the Seventh Century”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959), pp. 25–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Ibid., pp. 25–28.

5 Procopius, , De bello Vandalico, II 14Google Scholar, 17 for Vandals, ; De bello Gothico, IV 9Google Scholar, 6 for Kotrigurs.

6 Theophanes, , Chronographia, edited by de Boor, C. (Leipzig, 1883)Google Scholar, 1:385; Acta Graeca SS. Davidis, Symeonis et Georgii, in Analecta Bollandiana, 18 (1899), p. 256Google Scholar.

7 Procopius, , De bello Gothico, III 32, 7Google Scholar; Cf. Grousset, R., Histoire de I'Arménie des origines à 1071 (Paris, 1947), p. 242Google Scholar. Grousset's statement concerning vast transfers of Armenians to Thrace by Justinian is not borne out by his references.

8 Simocatta, Theophylactus, Historia, ed. de Boor, C. (Leipzig, 1887), p. 143Google Scholar; John, of Ephesus, Historia ecclesiasticae pars tertia, tr. into Latin by Brooks, E. W. (Louvain, 1936), pp. 236, 252Google Scholar; English trans, by R. Payne-Smith (Oxford, 1860), pp. 412, 437; Scholasticus, Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History, ed. Bidez, J. and Parmentier, L. (London, 1898), p. 215Google Scholar. Cf. Honigmann, E., Die Ostgrenze des byzantinischen Reiches von 363 bis 1071 (Brussels, 1935), p. 23Google Scholar. Two years earlier, during the reign of Justin II, Sabiri and Albanians were moved on this side of the Cyrus river (in the region of the Caucasus) in order to make certain that they would not be friendly with the Persians. Menander Protector, Excerpta ex historia (Bonn, 1829), p. 394Google Scholar.

9 Adontz, N. has tried to prove the Armenian origin of Maurice: “Les legendes de Maurice et de Constantin V, empereurs de Byzance”, Annuaire de I'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientates, 2 (Brussels, 1934), pp. 1–12Google Scholar. But see Goubert, P., Byzance avant I'Islam, I (Paris, 1951), pp. 36–41Google Scholar.

10 Sebeos, , Histoire d'Héraclius, tr. from Armenian by Macler, F. (Paris, 1904), pp. 30–31Google Scholar. Cf. Dölger, F., Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches, I (Munich, 1924), p. 13, no. 108Google Scholar.

11 For what follows see Charanis, , “Ethnic Changes…”, 36–43Google Scholar; also by the same author, “The Slavic Element in Byzantine Asia Minor in the Thirteenth Century”, Byzantion, 18 (1946–1948), pp. 69–83Google Scholar.

12 Theophanes, op. cit., 1: 363, 364; Syrus, Michael, Chronique, tr. from Syriac by Chabot, J. B., II (Paris, 1901), p. 469Google Scholar; Theophanes Continuatus (Bonn, 1838), pp. 304, 311; Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Ceremoniis, I (Bonn, 1829), p. 665Google Scholar; Morellii, J., Bibliotheca Manuscripta Graeca et Latina, I (Bassani, 1802), pp. 217, 218Google Scholar.

13 Mansi 11: 961; Theophanes, op. cit., 1: 365; Michael Syrus, op. cit., 2: 470.

14 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De thematibus, ed. Pertusi, A. (Rome, 1952), pp. 88 fGoogle Scholar. Cf. Panchenko, B. A., “Pamiatnik Slavian v Vifinii VII.v”, Bulletin de I'Institut archéologique russe à Constantinople, 8 (Sofia, 1903), p. 53Google Scholar. Panchenko considers these Scythians Turks, and identifies them with the Vardariotae Turks.

15 Theophanes, op. cit., 1: 427, 429; Michael Syrus, 2: 518, 521, 523; Nicephorus, , Opuscula Historica, ed. de Boor, C. (Leipzig, 1880), pp. 65, 66Google Scholar; Ghevond, , Histoire des guerres et des conquetes des Arabes en Arménie, tr. from Armenian by Chahnazarian, G. V. (Paris, 1856), pp. 126–127Google Scholar.

16 Agapius of Menbidj, Histoire universelle, tr. Vasiliev, A. A., Patrologia Orientalis, 8 (1912), pp. 531, 538Google Scholar; Dionysius I of Tell-Mahré, Chronique, tr. Chabot, J. B. (Paris, 1895), pp. 56–57Google Scholar. Cf. Lombard, A., Etudes d'histoire byzantine. Constantine V, empereur des Romains (740–775) (Paris, 1902), p. 35Google Scholar. Among the peoples involved were some Alans also.

17 Theophanes, op. cit., 1: 429.

18 Nicephorus, op. cit., 68 f. Cf. Charanis, , “The Slavic Element in Byzantine Asia Minor …”, pp. 76 ffGoogle Scholar.

19 Theophanes, op. cit., 1: 451–52; Chevond, op. cit., p. 150; Michael Syrus, op. cit., 3: 2.

20 Theophanes, op. cit., 1: 469.

21 On all this see Charanis, , “Nicephorus I, The Savior of Greece from the Slavs (810 A.D.)”, Byzantina Metabyzantina, I (1946), pp. 75–92Google Scholar.

22 Charanis, , “Ethnic Changes in Seventh-Century Byzantium”, p. 27Google Scholar.

23 Pecters, P., “Histoires monastiques géorgienne”, Analecta Bollandiana, 36–37 (1917–1919), pp. 102–103Google Scholar. Cf. De Goeje, M. J., Mémoires d'histoire et de géographie orientate, 3: Mémoire sur les migrations des Tsiganes à trovers I'Asie (Leiden, 1903), p. 75Google Scholar. Who, one may ask, are the Tzingoi mentioned by the Arab astronomer Apomasar (Abu Ma'shar Ja'far ibn Muhammed ibn ‘Umar al-Balkhî, d. 886) as translated into Greek probably in the tenth century?: Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum, V, 3 (Brussels, 1910), p. 54Google Scholar.

24 Grégoire, H., “Précisions géographiques et chronologiques sur les Pauliciens”, Aca-demie royale de Belgique: Bulletin de la Classe des Lettres et des Sciences Morales et Politiques, 5e Ser., 33 (Brussels, 1947), pp. 294 f.Google Scholar; Runciman, S., The Medieval Manichee (Cambridge, 1947), pp. 26–46Google Scholar.

25 Grégoire, H., “La carrièere du premier Nicéphore Phocasé, Prosphora eis Stilpona P. Kyriakiden (Thessalonica, 1953), p. 251Google Scholar.

26 Cedrenus, , Historiarum compendium (Bonn, 1839), 2: 382Google Scholar; Commena, Anna, Alexiad, 2 (Bonn, 1878), pp. 298 fGoogle Scholar.

27 Diaconus, Leo, Historia (Bonn, 1828), p. 28Google Scholar.

28 Stephen, (Asoghik) of Taron, Histoire universelle (deuxième partie), tr. from Armenian by Macler, F. (Paris, 1917), p. 74Google Scholar.

29 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, ed. Moravcsik, Gy. and tr. Jenkins, R. J. H.Budapest, 1949, pp. 238–240 (Bonn, pp. 227–228)Google Scholar; De thematibus, ed. Pertusi, A. (Rome, 1952), pp. 75–76, 143–146 (Bonn, 32–35)Google Scholar; Honigmann, op. cit., 64; Grégoire, H., “Notes épigraphiques, VII”, Byzantion, 8 (1933), pp. 79 ffGoogle Scholar.

30 On the westward expansion of the Armenians, Stephen (Asoghik) of Taron, op. cit., p. 141; German translation of this work, Gelzer, H. and Burckhardt, A.(Scriptores sacri et profani, 4) (Leipzig, 1907), p. 196Google Scholar; Hebraeus, Bar, Chronography, tr. from Budge, Syriac E. A. W. (Oxford, 1932), 1:169Google Scholar; Honigmann, , “Malatya”, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, III (London, 1936), p. 194Google Scholar. Cf. Canard, M., Histoire de la dynastie des H'amdanides de Jazîra et de Syrie (Paris, 1935), p. 736Google Scholar.

31 Matthew of Edessa, Chronique, tr. from Armenian by Dulaurier, E. (Paris, 1858), pp. 113, 114Google Scholar.

32 Tchamtehian, M., History of Armenia (in Armenian), II (Venice, 1785), p. 903Google Scholar. I consulted Tchamtchian's work with the help of Professor Sirarpie Der Nersessian. Brosset, M. in Lebeau-Saint-Martin, Histoire du Bas-empire, 14 (Paris, 1838), p. 211Google Scholar; Tournebize, Fr., Histoire politique et religieuse de I'Arménie (Paris, 1900), p. 124Google Scholar.

33 Continuator of Ardzrouni, Thomas, Histoire des Ardzrouni, tr. from Armenian, Brosset, M., Collection d'historiens Arméniens, I(St. Petersburg, 1874), p. 248Google Scholar.

34 Grégoire, H., “Manuel et Théophobe ou la concurrence de deux monastères”, Byzantion, 9 (1934), pp. 183–222Google Scholar.

35 Gelder, H., “Ungedachte und wenig bekannte Bistiimerverzeichnisse der orientalischen Kirche”, Byz. Zeitschrift, 2 (1893), p. 46Google Scholar. Concerning the origin of these Turks: Tafel, G. L. Fr., De Thessalonica eiusque agro (Berlin, 1839), pp. 70–74 (Persians)Google Scholar; Janin, R., “Les Turcs Vardariotes”, Echos d'Orient, 29 (1930), p. 444 (Persians)Google Scholar; Panchenko, op. cit., p. 53 (Turks, the Scythians whom Justinian II settled); Kyriakides, P.. Byzantinae Meletae, II–V (Thessalonica, 1937, cover 1939), pp. 251 ff.Google Scholar (Magyars); Laurent, V., “O Bardariôton etoe Tourkôn. Perses, Turcs asiatiques ou turcs hongrois?”, in Recueil dédié à la mémoire du Professeur Peter Nīkou (Sofia, 1939), pp. 275 ffGoogle Scholar. (A mixture of Persians, Hungarians, and Turks from Asia Minor.)

36 Anna Comnena, op. cit., 1: 199. Ochrido is to be distinguished from Ochrida, the ancient Lychnidus. On the location of Ochrido, Kyriakides, op. cit., pp. 251–52; Jireček, C. J., Die Heerstrasse von Belgrad nach Constantinople und dīe Balkanpässe (Prague, 1877), p. 97Google Scholar.

37 Life of Athanasius of Mount Athos, ed. by Pomīãlovskii, I. (St. Petersburg, 1895), p. 92Google Scholar; Cf. “Vie de S. Athanase l'Athonite”, ed. by Petit, L., Analecta Bollandiana, 25 (1906), p. 72Google Scholar.

38 H'auqal, Ibn, tr. Canard, M., in H. Grégoire-A. A. Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, II, 2 (Brussels, 1950), p. 420Google Scholar; Cf. Canard, , Hīstoire de la dynastie des H'amdanides…, pp. 737–738Google Scholar.

39 Cedrenus, op. cit., 2: 453, 461. On the location of Voleron, Kyriakídes, op. cit., p. 30.

40 Ataliates, Michael, Historia (Bonn, 1853), p. 204Google Scholar.

41 De Sancto Lazaro, monacho in monte Galesio, Ada Sanctorum, Novembris 3 (Brussels, 1910), p. 537Google Scholar.

42 Cedrenus, op. cit., 2: 52.

43 Vita S. Pauli Junioris in Monte Latro, ed. Sirmondus, Jacobus, Analecta Bollandiana, 11 (1892), pp. 138–140Google Scholar.

44 Rudakov, A. P., Sketches of Byzantine Culture based on Evidence drawn from Greek Hagīography (in Russian) (Moscow, 1917), p. 56Google Scholar. I consulted this book with the help of Cyril Mango.

45 Zonaras, John, Epitomae historiarum, III (Bonn, 1897), pp. 740 fGoogle Scholar.

46 Choniates, Nicetas, Historia (Bonn, 1835), p. 23Google Scholar. These Serbs were doubtless the inhabitants of the servochoria which are mentioned in the Partitio regni graeci at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Cf. Tafel, G. L. Fra. and Thomas, G. M., Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedīg, I (Vienna, 1856), p. 475Google Scholar.

47 A large colony of Armenians is known to have existed in the Troad at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Although nothing is known of the circumstances of its establishment, it may have been the result perhaps of the transfer of Armenians from another region as that, for instance, which was effected by John II Comnenus when he took Anazarbus in 1138. Cf. Gregory the Priest, Chronique, tr. Dulaurier, , Recueil des Historiens des Croisades: Document Arménien, I (Paris, 1869), p. 619Google Scholar.

48 Gregoras, , Historia, I (Bonn, 1829), p. 37Google Scholar. See further, , “On the Ethnic Composition of Byzantine Asia Minor in the Thirteenth Century”, Prosphora eis Stilpona P. Kyriakiden (Thessalonica, 1953), pp. 140–141Google Scholar. For a Cuman settlement before 1195, Rouillard, G. et Collomp, P., Actes de Lavra (Paris, 1937), p. 125Google Scholar. For the date of the document containing this information, Dölger, F., “Zur Textgestaltung der Lavra- Urkunden und zu ihrer geschichtlichen Auswertung”, Byz. Zeitschrift, 39 (1939), pp. 34 fGoogle Scholar.

49 Pachymeres, , Historia, I (Bonn, 1835), p. 188Google Scholar.

50 The literature on the Gagauses is considerable. I cite here some of the more important works: Balaschev, G. D., The Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus and the Establishment with his aid of the state of the Gagauses on the Western Coast of the Black Sea (in Greek) (Sofia, 1930)Google Scholar; Manof, A., “Who are the Gagauses?” (in Greek), Epeteris Hetaereias Byzantinôn Spoudôn, 10 (1933), pp. 381–400Google Scholar; Mutafciev, P., Die angebliche Eīnwanderung von Seldschuk-Türken in die Dobrudscha īm XIII. Jahrhundert (Sofia, 1943)Google Scholar. But see Laurent, V., “La domination byzantine aux bouches du Danube sous Michel VIII Paléologue”, Revue Historique du Sud-Est Européen, 22 (1945), pp. 194 ff.Google Scholar; also G. I. Bratianu, “Les Roumains aux bouches du Danube”, ibid., pp. 199ff.; Wittek, P., “La descendance chretienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine”, Echos d'Orient, 33 (1934), pp. 409, 412CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wittek, , “Yazijioghlu 'Ali on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja”, Bulletin of the Society of Oriental and African Studies, 14 (1952), pp. 639–668CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Laurent, V., “Une famille turque au service de Byzance: les Mélikès”, Byz. Zeitschrift, 49 (1956), pp. 349–368Google Scholar. I have not seen the work by Hoppe, E. M., “Die turkischen Gagauzen- Christen”, Oriens Christ., 41 (1957), pp. 125–137Google Scholar.

51 On the settlement of Albanians and other peoples in the Peloponnesus (the Morea) see now Zakythinos, D. A., Le Despotat grec de Morée, II: Vie et Institutions (Athens, 1953), 20–45Google Scholar.

52 Evagrius Scholasticus, op. cit., p. 215. The translation is taken from the English version of Evagrius which appeared in Bonn's Ecclesiastical Library: Theodoret, and Evagrius, , History of th?. Church (London, 1854), p. 444Google Scholar.

53 Anna Comnena, 2: 298: I have used the translation of Dawes, E. A. S., The Alexiad of the Princess Anna Comnena (London, 1928), p. 385Google Scholar.

54 Ibid., 2: 299 f.; Dawes, 385.

55 Charanis, P., “The Byzantine Empire in the Eleventh Century”, A History of the Crusades, I, ed. Baldwin, M. W. (Philadelphia, 1955), pp. 214 fGoogle Scholar.

56 Nicetas Choniates, op. cit., pp. 527, 534.

57 Ville-Hardouin, Geoffroi de, La conquete de Constantinople, ed. and tr. into modern French by Natalis de Wailly, M. (Paris, 1872), p. 239Google Scholar. For a general account in English on the Paulicians and Bogomiles: Runciman, S., The Medieval Manichee: A Study of the Christian Dualistic Heresy (Cambridge, 1947)Google Scholar; Obolensky, D., The Bogomiles: A Study in Balkan Neo-Manichaeism (Cambridge, 1948)Google Scholar.

58 On the attempts of the Byzantines to have the Armenians accept the orthodox point of view and the Armenian resistance to these attempts see the brief but excellent account of Speros Vryonis, Jr., “Byzantium: The Social Basis of Decline in the Eleventh Century”, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, 2 (1959), pp. 169 ffGoogle Scholar.

59 Matthew of Edessa, op. cit., pp. 152–54.

60 Michael Syrus, op cit., 3: 169; Attaliates, op. cit., p. 113.

61 Atlaliates, op. cit., p. 135.

62 Macler, F., “Erzeroum ou topographie de la haute Arménie”, Journal Asiatique, 11th series, 13 (1919), p. 223Google Scholar. Macler quotes an Armenian writer of the seventeenth century who says in effect: The Armenians hated the Greeks, the Greeks hated the Armenians and so God sent the Turks to punish both.