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Under the Sign of Mars: Violence in European Civil Wars, 1917–1949

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 February 2017

JAVIER RODRIGO
JAVIER RODRIGO*
Affiliation:
Departament d'Història Moderna i Contemporània, Edifici B, 08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès), Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain; javier.rodrigo@uab.es
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Abstract

This article explores the comparative history of violence in European civil wars from 1917 to 1949, beginning with the war in Russia and ending with the one in Greece. Its main goal is to prepare a framework for a transnational comparative debate on the category of ‘civil war’ and its historical and analytical elements in order to better understand why internal conflicts are universally assumed to be particularly violent and cruel. Responding to the need for an inclusive approach in determining the nature of civil war, I discuss the theory of violence in connection with civil wars and conclude that if civil wars are, and are perceived as, especially violent, this is due to many and multidirectional elements, including the importance of symbolic conflicts, the juxtaposition of different conflicts within any civil struggle and, in the case of Europe between the world wars, the presence of radicalising elements such as fascism.

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Articles
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Contemporary European History , Volume 26 , Issue 3 , August 2017 , pp. 487 - 506
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

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References

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41 Defining ‘total war’ is another complicated matter; its interaction with civil war still more so. While questioning its applicability to the Spain of 1936–39, Förster and Chickering stress that their model of total war is an Idealtypus never actualised in its most extreme form. See Chickering, Roger and Föster, Stig, eds., Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914–1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Förster and Chickering, eds., A World at Total War: Global Conflict and the Politics of Destruction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). The same authors outline their theoretical approach in the introduction to Förster and Chickering, eds., The Shadows of Total War. Europe, East Asia, and the United States, 1919–1939 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003). On the limitations of this concept see Chickering, Roger, ʻTotal War: The Use and Abuse of a Conceptʼ, in Chickering, Roger, Boemeke, Manfred F. and Föster, Stig, eds., Anticipating Total War: The German and American experiences, 1871–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 13–28 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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54 Poland is paradigmatic insofar as its ethnic complexity was reduced to near-total homogeneity, as the following groups were wholly or partly removed: Germans (from 2.3 per cent to 1.4 per cent of the population), Ukrainians (from 13.8 per cent to 0.7 per cent) and Belorussians (from 5.3 to 0.6 per cent). See Mazower, Mark, Dark Continent: Europe's Twentieth Century (London: Allen Lane, 1998)Google Scholar, 416, table 1. This is by no means the only example. In addition to the expulsion and resettlement of some 12–13 million Germans from Eastern Europe, other significant cases include the 90,000 Hungarians expelled from Czechoslovakia and the 73,000 Slovaks expelled from Hungary. See Judt, Tony, Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945 (New York: Penguin Press, 2005)Google Scholar. In any case, the expulsion of Germans from east of the Oder–Neisse line, and national and class resettlement, would have given rise to internal conflict at national, ethnic, political and economic levels in countries whose western borders were occupied by the Red Army. See Cattaruzza, Marina, ʻ“Last Stop Expulsion”. The Minority Question and Forced Migration in East-Central Europe: 1918–49ʼ, Nations and Nationalism, 16, 1 (2010), 108–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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63 Martin Conway has demonstrated this with respect to Greece: ʻThe Greek Civil War: Greek Exceptionalism or Mirror of a European Civil War?ʼ, in Carabott and Sfikas, The Greek Civil War, 17–40, esp. 34.