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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 June 2025
Concentrating on individual workers hired by the Shuttleworths, a gentry family from Lancashire, this article offers the first attempt to combine household accounts with probate inventories to track life-cycle changes in the living standards of rural wage-earners between the late sixteenth and the early seventeenth centuries. Based on original household and farm accounts of the Shuttleworths (1582–1621) and probate records left by Shuttleworth employees and Lancashire wage-workers whose occupations were recorded between 1550 and 1650, the findings reveal two key points. Firstly, using inventories left by labourers entitled in probates underestimates the living standards of early modern wage-earners, as some had diverse sources of income and enjoyed comfortable lives. Secondly, money wages can be used to measure only the purchasing power of wage-earners during a specific period of their life cycle, and do not have a positive correlation with living standards measured using inventories. The significance of money wages varied among different types of wage-earner and at different stages of their lives. In fact, other factors, including occupational distinctions, access to land, family structures and the availability of family labour force, had a greater impact on rural wage-earners’ changing living standards.
L’auteur s’attache aux travailleurs embauchés individuellement, en Lancashire, par la famille Shuttleworth, une lignée de petite noblesse. L’ objectif de la recherche est de combiner la comptabilité de ces ménages avec les inventaires après décès qui furent dressés par la suite, cela afin de retracer l’évolution du niveau de vie de ces salariés ruraux au cours de leur existence, à savoir entre la fin du XVIe siècle et le début du XVIIe. On s’appuie d’un côté sur les registres comptables originaux concernant ménages et fermes des Shuttleworth (1582-1621) et aussi sur les inventaires successoraux laissés par leurs gens et de l’autre côté on considère des salariés du Lancashire dont les types de profession ont été enregistrés entre 1550 et 1650. Les conclusions révèlent deux points majeurs. Premièrement, si l’on considère les inventaires après décès des ouvriers agricoles, validés au bénéfice de leurs ayants droit, le niveau de vie des salariés de l’époque moderne se trouve sous-estimé, car certains avaient disposé de sources de revenus diversifiées et mené de fait une vie confortable. Deuxièmement, les salaires versés en espèces ne peuvent servir qu’à mesurer le pouvoir d’achat des salariés pendant une période donnée de leur vie et ne présentent pas de corrélation positive avec le niveau de vie mesuré à l’aide des inventaires. La portée des salaires en espèces variait selon le type d’emploi et le parcours de vie. En réalité, d’autres facteurs, en particulier les mérites professionnels, l’accès à la terre, la structure des familles et la disponibilité de la main-d’œuvre familiale, eurent un impact bien plus important que le salaire sur l’évolution du niveau de vie des travailleurs en milieu rural.
Dieser Beitrag konzentriert sich auf einzelne Arbeiter, die von den Shuttleworths, einer Familie des niederen Adels in Lancashire, angestellt wurden, und bietet einen ersten Versuch, Haushaltsbücher mit Haushaltsinventaren zu kombinieren, um die lebenszyklischen Veränderungen im Lebensstandard ländlicher Lohnarbeiter zwischen dem späten 16. und dem frühen 17. Jahrhundert nachzuverfolgen. Auf der Basis von originalen Haushalts- und Hofbüchern der Shuttleworths (1582–1621) sowie von Nachlassakten der Beschäftigten der Shuttleworths und von Lohnarbeitern in Lancashire, deren Berufe zwischen 1550 und 1660 aufgezeichnet wurden, zeigen die Befunde zwei zentrale Punkte. Erstens, wenn man sich nur auf die Inventare von Arbeitern stützt, die über Nachlässe verfügten, so unterschätzt man den Lebensstandard frühneuzeitlicher Lohnarbeiter, da manche von ihnen unterschiedliche Einkommensquellen besaßen und ein bequemes Leben führten. Zweitens, Geldlöhne erlauben es nur, die Kaufkraft von Lohnarbeitern für spezifische Zeiträume ihres Lebenszyklus zu messen, und sie besitzen keine positive Korrelation mit dem auf der Basis von Inventaren gemessenen Lebensstandard. Die Bedeutung von Geldlöhnen variierte zwischen verschiedenen Typen von Lohnarbeitern und zwischen unterschiedlichen Lebensphasen. Tatsächlich hatten andere Faktoren, darunter berufliche Unterschiede, Zugang zu Landbesitz, Familienstrukturen und die Verfügbarkeit über die Familienarbeitskraft, einen größeren Einfluss auf die Veränderungen des Lebensstandards von ländlichen Lohnarbeitern.
1 See, for example, Gregory Clark, ‘The long march of history: farm wages, population and economic growth, England 1209–1869’, Economic History Review 60 (2007), 97–135; Jane Humphries and Jacob Weisdorf, ‘Unreal wages? Real income and economic growth in England, 1260–1850’, Economic Journal 129 (2019), 2867–87.
2 See, for example, Craig Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness: work and material culture in agrarian England, 1550–1780 (Cambridge, 2011), ch. 4.
3 Both Jane Whittle and Hassell Smith have tracked inventories left by a small group of early modern wage-workers at Norfolk, as discussed in Section 2, but no systematic comparison has been made yet. This article was inspired by these approaches.
4 See, for example, Jonathan Healey, The first century of welfare: poverty and poor relief in Lancashire, 1620–1730 (Woodbridge, 2014), ch. 1; John K. Walton, Lancashire: a social history, 1558–1939 (Manchester, 1987), chs. 1–3.
5 See, for example, Walton, Lancashire, 24–5; C. B. Phillips and J. H. Smith, Lancashire and Cheshire from AD 1540 (London, 1994), 7–9. For detailed analysis of demographic changes in local parishes where the Shuttleworths owned farmlands, see Li Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards in early modern England: a case study of the Shuttleworth accounts, Lancashire 1582–1621’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Exeter, 2022), 45–52.
6 Leigh Shaw-Taylor, ‘The rise of agrarian capitalism and the decline of family farming in England’, Economic History Review 65 (2012), 58.
7 See, for example, G. Youd, ‘The common fields of Lancashire’, Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 113 (1962), 1–42; John Porter, ‘Waste land reclamation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: the case of south-east Bowland, 1550–1630’, Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 127 (1978), 1–24; Mary Brigg, ‘The forest of Pendle in the seventeenth century’, Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 113 (1961), 71–2; John Swain, Industry before the industrial revolution: north-east Lancashire, c. 1500–1640 (Manchester, 1986), 72.
8 John Harland ed., The house and farm accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe Hall, in the county of Lancaster, at Smithils and Gawthorpe, from September 1582 to October 1621, parts I–IV (Chetham Society, 1854–9). For the detailed analysis of wage labourers hired by the Shuttleworths, see Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’.
9 See, for example, Andrew Appleby, Famine in Tudor and Stuart England (Liverpool, 1978); Clark, ‘The long march of history’, 97–135. For recent studies of European wage-workers, see, for example, Nuno Palma, Jaime Reis and Lisbeth Rodrigues, ‘Historical gender discrimination does not explain comparative western European development: evidence form Portugal, 1300–1900’, Explorations in Economic History 88 (2023), 1–15; Jakob Molinder and Christopher Pihl, ‘Women’s work and wages in the sixteenth century and Sweden’s position in the “little divergence”’, Economic History Review 76 (2023), 145–68; Mauricio Drelichman and David González Agudo, ‘The gender wage gap in early modern Toledo, 1550–1650’, Journal of Economic History 80 (2020), 351–85.
10 Building craftsmen include carpenters, joiners, masons, plasterers, wallers and wrights. These six types of workers are selected to make the data comparable with those hired by the Shuttleworths.
11 James E. Thorold Rogers, Six centuries of work and wages: the history of English labour (London, 1894), 326.
12 The weaknesses of real wage series have been summarized by John Hatcher, see John Hatcher, ‘Seven centuries of unreal wages’, in John Hatcher and Judy Z. Stephenson eds., Seven centuries of unreal wages: the unreliable data, sources and methods that have been used for measuring standards of living in the past (London, 2018), 15–70.
13 James Thorold E. Rogers, A history of agriculture and prices in England: from the year after the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the commencement of the Continental War (1793), 7 vols. (Oxford, 1866–1902); William H. Beveridge, Prices and wages in England, from the twelfth to the nineteenth century, vol. 1, price tables: mercantile era (New York, 1939).
14 The latest research sees, for example, Jane Humphries, ‘Respectable standards of living: the alternative lens of maintenance costs, Britain 1270–1860’, Economic History Working Papers 353 (2023), 1–51; Sara Horrell, ‘Household consumption patterns and the consumer price index, England, 1260–1869’, Economic History Review 76 (2023), 1023–50.
15 Donald Woodward, Men at work: labourers and building craftsmen in the towns of Northern England, 1450–1750 (Cambridge, 1995), 276.
16 E. H. Phelps Brown and S. V. Hopkins, ‘Seven centuries of building wages’, Economica 22 (1955), 195–206; Woodward, Men at work.
17 The five regions are London (any location within 10 miles of the City of London), the South-East, the South-West, the Midlands, and the North. Gregory Clark, ‘The condition of the working class in England, 1209–2004’, Journal of Political Economy 113 (2005), 1307–40. For other studies of early modern urban building workers, see, for example, Woodward, Men at work; Steve Rappaport, Worlds with worlds: structures of life in sixteenth-century London (Cambridge, 1989), ch. 5; Jeremy Boulton, ‘Wage labour in seventeenth-century London’, Economic History Review 49 (1996), 268–90; Jeremy Boulton, ‘Food prices and the standards of living in London in the “century of revolution”, 1580–1700’, Economic History Review 53 (2000), 455–92; Judy Stephenson, ‘The pay of labourers and unskilled men on London building sites, 1650–1770’, in Hatcher and Stephenson eds., Seven centuries of unreal wages, 143–64; Judy Stephenson, Contracts and pay: work in London construction 1660–1785 (London, 2020).
18 The impact of different wage rates on real wage trends has been discussed by Craig Muldrew, see Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, 208–9.
19 Clark, ‘The long march of history’, 101. The latest research on in-kind payments, see, for example, Jordan Claridge, Vincent Delabastita and Spike Gibbs, ‘(In-kind) wages and labour relations in the middle ages: it’s not (all) about the money’, Explorations in Economic History 94 (2024), 1–21.
20 Humphries and Weisdorf, ‘Unreal wages?’, 2867–87.
21 They followed the assumption of Gregory Clark and Ysbrand Van Der Verf that both day workers with fixed day-wage rates and annual workers would not work longer than the number of days needed to reach the same annual wage level, see Humphries and Weisdorf, ‘Unreal wages?’, 2881–3; Gregory Clark and Ysbrand Van Der Verf, ‘Work in progress? The industrious revolution’, Journal of Economic History 58, 3 (1998), 830-43.
22 Phelps Brown and Hopkins, ‘Seven centuries of building wages’, 195–206; Woodward, Men at work; Jane Humphries and Jacob Weisdorf, ‘The wages of women in England, 1260–1850’, Journal of Economic History 75, 2 (2015), 405–47.
23 Jane Whittle and Li Jiang, ‘Gender, wages and agricultural day labour in England, c. 1480–1680’, Agricultural History Review 72, 2 (2024), 169–90.
24 For discussions of working days see, for example, Ian Blanchard, ‘Labour productivity and work psychology in the English mining industry, 1400–1600’, Economic History Review 31, 1 (1978), 24; John Hatcher, ‘Labour, leisure and economic thought before the nineteenth century’, Past and Present 160 (1998), 88–92; Clark and Van Der Werf, ‘Work in progress?’, 838; Hans-Joachim Voth, ‘The longest years: new estimates of labour input in England, 1760–1830’, Journal of Economic History 61, 4 (2001), 1078; R. C. Allen and J. L. Weisdorf, ‘Was there an “industrious revolution” before the industrial revolution? An empirical exercise for England, c. 1300–1830’, Economic History Review 64, 3 (2011), 721; Stephen Broadberry, Bruce M. S. Campbell, Alexander Klein, Mark Overton and Bas van Leeuwen, British economic growth, 1270–1870 (Cambridge, 2015), 264; Humphries and Weisdorf, ‘Unreal wages?’, 2880.
25 Broadberry et al., British economic growth, ch. 6.
26 See, for example, Humphries and Weisdorf, ‘The wages of women’, 405–47; Sara Horrell and Jane Humphries, ‘Children’s work and wages in Britain, 1280–1860’, Explorations in Economic History 73 (2019); Sara Horrell, Jane Humphries and Jacob Weisdorf, ‘Malthus’s missing women and children: demography and wages in historical perspective, England 1280–1850’, European Economic Review 129 (2020), 1–23.
27 Sara Horrell, Jane Humphries and Jacob Weisdorf, ‘Family standards of living over the long run, England 1280–1850’, Past and Present 250 (2021), 87–134; Sara Horrell, Jane Humphries and Jacob Weisdorf, ‘Beyond the male breadwinner: life-cycle living standards of intact and disrupted English working families, 1260–1850’, Economic History Review 75 (2022), 530–60.
28 Joyce Burnette, ‘How not to measure the standard of living: male wages, non-market production and household income in nineteenth-century Europe’, Economic History Review 78 (2025), 87–112. Thanks to the anonymous reviewer for the recommendation.
29 See, for example, Joseph Harley, ‘Domestic production and consumption in English pauper households, 1670–1840’, Agricultural History Review 69, 1 (2021), 25–49; Joanne Sear and Ken Sneath, The origins of the consumer revolution in England: from brass pots to clocks (London, 2020); Mark Overton, Jane Whittle, Darron Dean and Andrew Hann, Production and consumption in English households, 1600–1750 (London, 2004); Carole Shammas, The pre-industrial consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990).
30 Alan Everitt, ‘Farm labourers’, in Joan Thirsk ed., The agrarian history of England and Wales, volume IV, 1500–1640 (Cambridge, 1967), 396–465.
31 The eight parts are Kent, Hampshire, Cambridge, the North-East, the North-West, Staffordshire, Cumbria and London. Lorna Weatherill, Consumer behaviour and material culture in Britain 1660–1760 (Cambridge, 1988), 3, 168.
32 Overton et al., Production and consumption, 22, 179–80.
33 Sear and Sneath, The origins of the consumer revolution, 258.
34 Sebastian A. J. Keibek and Leigh Shaw-Taylor, ‘Early modern rural by-employment: a re-examination of the probate inventory evidence’, Agricultural History Review 61 (2013), 264.
35 Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, 163–207. In his recent research, Muldrew supplements the findings about these labourers with a smaller sample of wills from Cambridgeshire to explore the reasons why labourers have been probated. Craig Muldrew, ‘Little to leave: labourers’ goods and the probate process in early modern England’ in Margareth Lanzinger, Janine Maegraith, Siglinde Clementi, Ellinor Forster and Christian Hagen eds., Negotiations of gender and property through legal regimes (14th–19th century): stipulating, litigating, mediating (Leiden, 2021), 311–44. For other studies about labourers’ inventories, see, for example, Leigh Shaw-Taylor, ‘The nature and scale of the cottage economy’, www.campop.geog.cam.ac.uk/research/occupations/outputs/preliminary/paper15.pdf.
36 Everitt, ‘Farm labourers’, 412–13.
37 Ibid., 413, 431.
38 Ibid., 413.
39 For other European studies, see, for example, Erik Begtsson and Patrick Svensson, ‘The living standards of the labouring classes in Sweden, 1750–1900: evidence from rural probate inventories’, Agricultural History Review 70 (2022), 56.
40 Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, ch. 4.
41 For discussion of probate inventories’ limitations, see, for example, Margaret Spufford, ‘The limitations of the probate inventory’, in John Chartres and David Hey eds., English rural society, 1500–1800: essays in honour of Joan Thirsk (Cambridge, 1990), 139–74.
42 A. Hassell Smith, ‘Labourers in late sixteenth-century England: a case study from north Norfolk [part II]’, Continuity and Change 4, 3 (1989), 367–94.
43 Jane Whittle and Elizabeth Griffiths, Consumption and gender in the early seventeenth-century household: the world of Alice Le Strange (Oxford, 2012), 231–6.
44 Both Michael P. Conroy and Thomas Dunham Whitaker have provided detailed pedigrees of the Shuttleworths, see Michael P. Conroy, The Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe (Lancashire Family History and Heraldry Society, 1999), 16; Thomas Dunham Whitaker, An history of the original parish of Whalley and honor of Clitheroe, to which is subjoined an account of the parish of Cartmell, volume II (London, 1876), 185.
45 Thanks to Mr David Tilsley, an archivist at the LRO, for sharing the photographed volume X, July 1608–November 1613.
46 Charles Foster, Seven households: life in Cheshire and Lancashire, 1582–1774 (Northwich, 2002), 13–14, 20–6, 56, 62–3.
47 Harland ed., The Shuttleworths, part II, 282–91; Foster, Seven households, 9–10.
48 Conroy, The Shuttleworths, 3–4.
49 For some related records, see, for example, William Farrer and J. Brownbill eds., The Victoria history of the county of Lancaster, volume 7 (London, 1912), 279–82; LRO, Shuttleworth accounts, DDKS 18/2, 94; Harland ed., The Shuttleworths, parts I–III, 120, 303–4, 419, 684.
50 These figures are minimum estimates as ‘work servants’, which represents a group of servants, was used in the early seventeenth century.
51 Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’, 137.
52 For discussion of wage rates paid to different types of worker, see Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’, 89–92, 144–51, 193–9.
53 Ibid., 146.
54 Ibid., 90, 145–6, 195.
55 The Shuttleworth accounts recorded ‘tabling fees’, which were money paid to local inhabitants who were probably tenants of the Shuttleworths for providing food and drink to wage-workers. For discussion of ‘tabling fees’, see Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’, 93, 141–4, 217–29.
56 Harland ed., The Shuttleworths, part IV, 1137–71; Archibald Sparke ed., The registers of the parish church of Bolton, baptisms, 1573–4, 1590–1660, weddings, 1573, 1587–1660, burials, 1573–4, 1587–1660 (Bolton, 1913); John A. Laycock ed., The registers of the parish church of Padiham in the county of Lancaster, christenings, burials and weddings 1573 to 1653 (Wigan, 1903); William Farrer ed., The registers of the parish church of Burnley in the county of Lancaster, christenings, weddings, and burials 1562 to 1653 (Rochdale, 1899).
57 LRO, Shuttleworth accounts, DDKS 18/1–9; John Parsons Earwaker ed., An index to the wills and inventories now preserved in the court of probate, at Chester, from A. D. 1545 to 1620 (Record Society, 1879); John Parsons Earwaker ed., An index to the wills and inventories now preserved in the court of probate, at Chester, from A. D. 1621 to 1650 (Record Society, 1881).
58 LRO, WCW/Supra/C58A/12.
59 LRO, WCW/Supra/C64C/28.
60 LRO, WCW/Supra/C74A/27.
61 Ibid.
62 Richard Dean, Gawthorpe Hall (National Trust, 1996), 42; LRO, WCW/Supra/C40/64.
63 These stages were described with diverse terms such as ‘sown’, ‘unsown’, ‘threshen’, unthreshen’, ‘to thresh’ and ‘growing’.
64 LRO, WRW/F/R346C/61.
65 LRO, WCW/Supra/C105A/2a.
66 LRO, WCW/Supra/C10/103.
67 LRO, WRW/L/R593C/3; LRO, WCW/Supra/C10/103.
68 LRO, WCW/Supra/C98C/39.
69 LRO, WCW/Supra/C11/36.
70 LRO, WCW/Supra/C117A/18.
71 LRO, WCW/Supra/C50B/18.
72 See, for example, Norman Lowe, The Lancashire textile industry in the sixteenth century (Manchester, 1972); John Swain, Industry before the industrial revolution: north-east Lancashire, c. 1500–1640 (Manchester, 1986), ch. 6.
73 Jane Whittle and Mark Hailwood, ‘The gender division of labour in early modern England’, Economic History Review 73 (2020), 18; Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’, 118–21.
74 On building craftsmen’s involvement in other activities, see, for example, Donald Woodward, ‘Wage rates and living standards in pre-industrial England’, Past and Present 91 (1981), 39–42.
75 Keibek and Shaw-Taylor, ‘Early modern rural by-employment’, 248. They used the figures provided by J. T. Swain’s research.
76 LRO, WCW/Supra/C100C/15.
77 For discussion of the Lancashire textile industry, see, for example, Phillips and Smith, Lancashire and Cheshire, 42–6.
78 The total value includes the value of everything in each inventory, such as crops, animals, debts and leases. Material wealth value excludes the value of leases and debts, encompassing only household goods, work-related goods and cash. Domestic wealth value represents a smaller part of the total value, including only household goods and cash. For comparison of these three types of measure, see Keibek and Shaw-Taylor, ‘Early modern rural by-employment’, 279–81.
79 Muldrew calculated the value of household goods, which include ‘all items of household furniture, clothing, money, bedding, cooking equipment, tools, brewing, baking and dairy equipment and preserved food such as bacon’. See Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, 182–3, 190.
80 See, for example, Spufford, ‘The limitations of the probate inventory’, 139–74.
81 Craig Muldrew, The economy of obligation: the culture of credit and social relations in early modern England (London, 1998), 105.
82 Muldrew found 143 probate accounts of labourers from across the country between 1600 and 1710. See Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, 203.
83 Nevertheless, since testators were less likely to leave records of debts owed to others, this could influence the results.
84 LRO, WCW/Supra/C26/16.
85 For discussion of ‘better sort’ and ‘meaner sort’, see, for example, Keith Wrightson, ‘Sorts of people in Tudor and Stuart England’, in Jonathan Barry and Christopher Brooks eds., The middling sort of people: culture, society and politics in England 1550–1800 (London, 1994), 28–51; Steve Hindle, The state and social change in early modern England, 1550–1640 (London, 2002), 49; Craig Muldrew, ‘Class and credit: social identity, wealth and the life course in early modern England’, in Henry French and Jonathan Barry eds., Identity and agency in England, 1500–1800 (London, 2004), 149.
86 See, for example, Harley, ‘Domestic production and consumption’, 34–6; Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, ch. 4.
87 Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, 198–9.
88 John Hajnal, ‘Two kinds of pre-industrial household formation system’, in Richard Wall ed., Family forms in historic Europe (Cambridge, 1983), 97.
89 This is a general division as wage-workers hired by the Shuttleworths were responsible for different types of task.
90 LRO, WCW/Supra/C143B/50; LRO, WCW/Supra/C67D/11.
91 LRO, WCW/Infra/C1326B/104.
92 LRO, WCW/Supra/C48A/19.
93 LRO, WCW/Supra/C38/55.
94 In fact, Jiang has found that some married farm servants and labourers should be the tenants of the Shuttleworths, see Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’, 231–6.
95 Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’, 77–8.
96 The cost of feeding provided by Donald Woodward is used in the calculation, see Woodward, Men at work, 282.
97 LRO, WCW/Supra/C40/64; LRO, WCW/Infra/C1326B/47.
98 LRO, WCW/Supra/C74A/27.
99 For the daily cost of diet provided by the Shuttleworths, see Jiang, ‘Wage labour and living standards’, 228; for the annual cost of feeding a single man and the whole family, see Woodward, Men at work, 282.
100 Muldrew, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, 167.
101 Muldrew found that some individuals had two different occupations as well, although the sample was limited. See, Food, energy and the creation of industriousness, 166.
102 LRO, DDKS 5/9.
103 LRO, Shuttleworth accounts, DDKS 18/3 196.
104 LRO, WCW/Supra/C143B/50.
105 Everitt has already commented that the labouring class was increasingly differentiated during the first half of the seventeenth century, see Everitt, ‘Farm labourers’, 424.
106 Whittle and Jiang, ‘Gender, wages and agricultural day labour’, 188.
107 Jan de Vries, The industrious revolution: consumer behavior and the household economy, 1650 to the present (Cambridge, 2008).
