Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-v9fdk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-11T07:16:42.746Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

OTHER, UPPITY OBAMA

A Content Analysis of Race Appeals in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 November 2012

Maryann Erigha*
Affiliation:
Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania
Camille Z. Charles
Affiliation:
Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania
*
*Maryann Erigha, Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania, 3718 Locust Walk, Philadelphia, PA 19104. E-mail: merigha@sas.upenn.edu

Abstract

Until 2008, only White candidates represented either of the two major parties as presidential nominees. Hence, little is known about how race appeals are framed by or against non-White presidential candidates. Barack Obama's election as the Democratic Party nominee allows us to investigate this issue. In this article, we conduct a content analysis of over 160 advertisements from the 2008 U.S. presidential election to examine how race appeals were framed (or countered) by each campaign. We find that the Republican campaign employed implicit racial appeals that played upon stereotypes of non-Whites as “un-American” and “other” and Blacks as “dangerous,” “criminal,” “incompetent,” and “uppity.” In contrast, the Democratic campaign de-emphasized race, portrayed “other” as positive, reinforced American identity, and spoke out against negative advertisements.

Type
State of the Art
Copyright
Copyright © W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

1

The authors are grateful to Michael X. Delli Carpini and David C. Wilson for helpful feedback on earlier versions of this manuscript.

References

REFERENCES

Bakeman, Roger (2000). Behavioral Observation and Coding. In Reis, H. T. and Judge, C. M. (Eds.), Handbook of Research Methods in Social and Personality Psychology, pp. 138159. London: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Benoit, W. L., Pier, P. M., and Blaney, J. R. (1997). A Functional Approach to Televised Political Spots: Acclaiming, Attacking, Defending. Communication Quarterly, 45: 120.Google Scholar
Charles, Camille Z. (2003). The Dynamics of Racial Residential Segregation. Annual Review of Sociology, 29: 167207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Citrin, Jack, Green, Donald Philip, and Sears, David O. (1990). White Reactions to Black Candidates: When Does Race Matter? Public Opinion Quarterly, 54: 7496.Google Scholar
Delli Carpini, Michael X. (1996). Voters, Candidates, and Campaigns in the New Information Age: An Overview and Assessment. The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 1: 3656.Google Scholar
Devos, Thierry and Banaji, Mahzarin (2005). American = White? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88: 447466.Google Scholar
Devos, Thierry, Ma, Debbie S., and Gaffud, Travis (2008). Is Barack Obama American Enough to Be The Next President? The Role of Ethnicity and National Identity in American Politics. Poster presented at the IXth Annual Meeting of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Albuquerque, NM, February 9.Google Scholar
Entman, Robert M. and Rojecki, Andrew (2000). The Black Image in the White Mind: Media and Race in America. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Ferguson, Robert (1998). Representing Race: Ideology, Identity, and the Media. London: Arnold.Google Scholar
Huber, Gregory A. and Lapinski, John S. (2006). The “Race Card” Revisited: Assessing Racial Priming in Policy Contests. American Journal of Political Science, 50(2): 421440.Google Scholar
Jackman, Mary R. (1994). The Velvet Glove: Paternalism and Conflict in Gender, Class, and Race Relations. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Jamieson, Kathleen Hall, Waldman, Paul, and Sherr, Susan (2000). Eliminate the Negative? Categories of Analysis for Political Advertisements. In Thurber, James A., Nelson, Candice J., and Dulio, David A. (Eds.), Crowded Airwaves: Campaign Advertising in Elections, pp. 4464. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.Google Scholar
Kaid, L. L. and Johnston, A. (2001). Videostyle in Presidential Campaigns: Style and Content of Televised Political Advertising. Westport, CT: Praeger.Google Scholar
Lugo-Lugo, Carmen R. and Bloodsworth-Lugo, Mary K. (2008). Black as Brown: The 2008 Obama Primary Campaign and the U.S. Browning of Terror. Journal of African American Studies, 13: 110120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McDermott, Monika (1998). Race and Gender Cues in Low-Information Elections. Political Research Quarterly, 51: 895918.Google Scholar
Mendelberg, Tali (2001). The Race Card: Campaign Strategy, Implicit Messages, and the Norm of Equality. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Myrdal, Gunnar (1944). An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. New York: Harper and Row.Google Scholar
Nacos, Brigitte L. and Torres-Reyna, Oscar (2007). Fueling Our Fears: Stereotyping, Media Coverage, and Public Opinion of Muslim Americans. Lanham, MD: Rowan and Littlefield.Google Scholar
Neuendorf, Kimberly A. (2002). The Content Analysis Guidebook. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Google Scholar
Oliver, Melvin and Shapiro, Thomas (1995). Black Wealth, White Wealth: A New Perspective on Racial Inequality. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Schuman, Howard, Steeh, Charlotte, Bobo, Lawrence, and Krysan, Maria (1998). Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Sears, David O., Sidanus, Jim, and Bobo, Lawrence (Eds.) (2000). Racialized Politics: The Debate About Racism in America. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Stein, Sam (2008). McCain Ad Links Paris Hilton, Britney Spears to Obama. Huffington Post, July 30. ⟨http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/07/30/mccain-ad-links-paris-hil_n_115841.html⟩ (accessed April 15, 2009).Google Scholar
Tate, Katherine (1994). From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Terkildsen, Nayda (1993). When White Voters Evaluate Black Candidates: The Processing Implications of Candidate Skin Color, Prejudice, and Self-Monitoring. American Journal of Political Science, 37(4): 10321053.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Valentino, Nicholas A., Hutchings, Vincent L., and White, Ismail K. (2002). Cues that Matter: How Political Ads Prime Racial Attitudes During Campaigns. American Political Science Review, 96: 7590.Google Scholar
Weinberger, Joel and Westen, Drew (2008). RATS, We Should Have Used Clinton: Subliminal Priming in Political Campaigns. Political Psychology, 29(5): 631651.Google Scholar
Westen, Drew (2007). The Political Brain. New York: Public Affairs.Google Scholar
Wilson, David C., Moore, David W., McKay, Patrick F., and Avery, Derek R. (2008). Affirmative Action Programs for Women and Minorities: Support Affected by Question Order. Public Opinion Quarterly, 73: 514522.Google Scholar
Wilson, William Julius (1980). The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions, 2 ed. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Zilber, Jeremy and Niven, David (1995). “Black” Versus “African American”: Are Whites' Political Attitudes Influenced by the Choice of Racial Labels? Social Science Quarterly, 76: 658664.Google Scholar
Zuberi, Tukufu (2001). Thicker than Blood: How Racial Statistics Lie. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Google Scholar