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‘THE SOUNDS OF THE HOLLOW MOUNTAIN’: MUSICAL TRADITION AND INNOVATION IN SEVILLE CATHEDRAL IN THE EARLY RENAISSANCE

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 July 2010

Juan Ruiz Jiménez
Juan Ruiz Jiménez*
Affiliation:
Granada
*
Email: juanruizjimenez@telefonica.net
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Abstract

With the restoration of the Seville diocese in 1248, its organisation followed the model established by other Castilian cathedral chapters. Seville Cathedral's symbolic importance and the wealth created by its endowments resulted in a flourishing development of worship, in which music played a key role. The ritual space in the Mozarabic cathedral was radically transformed with the construction of the Gothic building over a period of almost a hundred years, from 1434 to 1517. In tandem with this architectural programme, the cathedral's musical resources also underwent transformation, being adapted according to changing aesthetic considerations, liturgical modifications and new spatial and acoustical demands. The city of Seville periodically welcomed the court, with the monarch and the royal household residing for extended sojourns in the Alcázar, which was renovated by Pedro I in the fourteenth century. These royal visits favoured musical exchange with the royal chapels, especially during the reign of Ferdinand and Isabel. Seville became the paradigm for the consolidation and standardisation witnessed during the fifteenth century throughout the ecclesiastical institutions of Castile and Aragon. The direct consequence of this reforming impulse was an exponential increase in the number of composers active in this environment, and the amount of polyphonic repertory created through church patronage in both the institutional and private spheres, as well as the increase in the use of that polyphony in liturgical and devotional ceremony.

Type
Research Article
Information
Early Music History , Volume 29 , October 2010 , pp. 189 - 239
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2010

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References

1 Adapted from the French original and the Spanish translation of Th. Gautier, Voyage en Espagne: Suivi de España (Paris, 1983), p. 397; Viaje por España (Madrid, 1920), vol. ii, p. 207.

2 A. Jiménez Martín and I. Pérez Peñaranda, Cartografía de la Montaña Hueca: Análisis de los planos históricos de la catedral de Sevilla (Seville, 1997), pp. 16, 43–4, 50; A. Jiménez Martín, ‘Las fechas de las formas: Selección crítica de fuentes documentales para la cronología del edificio medieval’, in La catedral gótica de Sevilla: Fundación y fábrica de la obra nueva (Seville, 2006), pp. 15–113, at 50–2.

3 This period forms the main focus of my recent research. A preliminary version of this article was presented as a paper at the ‘Simposium Internacional La música en tiempos de Isabel la Católica. Teoría y praxis’ (Segovia, 6–8 May 2004).

4 M. González Jiménez, ‘El que más “temíe” a Dios’, in Magna Hispalensis: El universo de una iglesia (Seville, 1992), pp. 147–62, at 147–50.

5 E. Costa y Belda, ‘Las constituciones de Don Raimundo de Losaña para el cabildo de Sevilla (1261)’, Historia, Instituciones y Documentos, 5 (1978), pp. 169–233, at 196.

6 The earliest reference to Gonzalo García is found in a letter of endowment from Alfonso X to ‘Gonzalvo García, chantre dela Eglesia de santa María de Seuilia’, dated 12 August 1253. In 1257, his name is found in a sealed document from Alfonso X concerning the exchange of some houses between the precentor Gonzalo (Gonzalvo) García and the squire Alonso Pérez. His name also appears with the title precentor in 1259 in the purchase of land in Aznalcázar and of some houses in Seville in 1272. A. Ballesteros, Sevilla en el siglo XIII (Seville, 1913; facs. edn, Seville, 2007), pp. xxviii, xciii, cvi; P. Ostos and Ma. L. Pardo, Documentos y notarios de Sevilla en el siglo XIII (Madrid, 1989), pp. 225–7, 277–9.

7 Costa y Belda, ‘Las constituciones’, pp. 217–33.

8 J. Alonso Morgado, Prelados sevillanos o episcopologio de la Santa Iglesia Metropolitana y Patriarcal de Sevilla (Seville, 1906), p. 259.

9 Costa y Belda, ‘Las constituciones’, pp. 196, 198, 206.

10 My preliminary study (forthcoming) of private endowments at Seville Cathedral was presented at the IMS Conference: ‘Música tras la muerte: Fundaciones votivas y espacios rituales en la Sevilla del Renacimiento’, Passagen. 18. Kongress der Internationalen Gesellschaft für Musikwissenschaft Zürich, 10. Bis 15. Juli 2007 (Kassel, 2007), p. 26.

11 Costa y Belda, ‘Las constituciones’, pp. 209–10. Another source of income came from the distributions for those attending at Prime, Terce and Vespers, the hours belonging to the ‘cuaderno de misadas’. For each of these, one maravedí was distributed on single feasts with Mass and double feasts without Mass, and two maravedís for a double feast with Mass. Presence at the hours was rewarded by these distributions, but since that attendance, on certain occasions, was only necessary at the moment that the ‘puntadores’ noted it down, in practice it would have been limited to a minimum amount of time in which to gain the reward, a time that varied according to the hour and the day. For more detail on the complexity of the system of reward pertaining to dignitaries, canons and prebendaries, the conditions that had to be met to receive those rewards and the amounts paid for obligatory attendance and the corresponding sources of income, see J. Pérez-Embid, ‘El cabildo de la catedral de Sevilla en la Baja Edad Media’, Hispania Sacra, 30 (1977), pp. 143–81, at 146.

12 Pérez-Embid, ‘El cabildo’, p. 144.

13 ‘clericorum cori non beneficiatorum in ecclesia et alupnorum’. For a study of the choirboys and their musical role in the cathedral in this period, see J. Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From Mozos de Coro towards Seises: Boys in the Musical Life of Seville Cathedral in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries’, in Susan Boynton and Eric Rice (eds.), Young Choristers, 650–1700 (Woodbridge, 2008), pp. 86–103.

14 Costa y Belda, ‘Las constituciones’, p. 204.

15 From at least the last third of the fifteenth century, the professor of theology was appointed in the chapel of San Miguel in the cathedral. However, in the later Middles Ages the clergy of the diocese of Seville studied in colleges outside the city. See J. Sánchez Herrero, ‘El estudio de San Miguel de Sevilla durante el siglo XV’, Historia, Instituciones y Documentos, 10 (1983), pp. 297–323, at 300–3; Pérez-Embid, ‘El cabildo’, p. 178.

16 J. Sánchez Herrero, ‘Centros de enseñanza y estudiantes de Sevilla durante los siglos XIII al XV’, España Medieval, 5 (1984), pp. 875–98, at 878–82.

17 Pérez-Embid, ‘El cabildo’, p. 176. On 19 August 1478, a panel of chapter members was formed ‘to examine the clergy of the veintena, by the canons Pedro Ruiz de Porras, Pedro de Toledo and Dr Almodóvar and the prebendary Enrique Tich’ (ACS, AC 1, fol. 30v).

18 P. Ostos and M. Pardo, Documentos y notarios de Sevilla en el siglo XIV (1301–1350) (Seville, 2003), p. 132.

19 Pérez Embid, ‘El cabildo’, p. 177; S. de la Rosa y López, Los seises de la catedral de Sevilla (Seville, 1904; facs. edn, Seville, 1982), pp. 30–1.

20 The foundation of six chaplaincies in the thirteenth century can be documented. The earliest was founded in 1266 by Roy García de Santander, who specified the endowment of ‘a priest in this chapel [San Lucas] to sing a daily Requiem Mass for the soul of don Roy García’. P. Ostos and M. Pardo, Documentos y notarios de Sevilla en el siglo XIII, pp. 270, 356, 392, 399. The names of the chaplains can be traced back as early as 1302; ibid., pp. 270, 356, 392, 399. In her will, María Miguélez left an endowment to enable the chaplains of ‘the chapel of San Climente in the cathedral’ ‘to sing Masses’ for her soul, and to pray over her tomb twice daily, at Mass and Vespers; ibid., pp. 82–4.

21 Pérez Embid, ‘El cabildo’, pp. 175–6.

22 ‘con capas, e órganos e quatro capas de oro e ceptros de plata e procesiones de capas’, ibid., p. 165.

23 ACS, sección II, libro 711. The fragment is reproduced in facsimile in J. Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano: Creación y pervivencia del repertorio del Renacimiento en la actividad musical de la catedral de Sevilla (Granada, 2007), p. 74.

24 J. Asensio Palacios, El códice de Madrid: Polifonías del siglo XIII (Madrid, 1997), pp. 22–3.

25 The costs of the foundation of Seville Cathedral were borne by Fernando III, but its real economic base was established by Alfonso X. González Jiménez, ‘El que mas “temíe” a Dios’, pp. 150–2.

26 ‘Sevilla era la principal ciudad de Castilla, convertida, desde su conquista, en la capital de facto de todo el reino’. Ibid., pp. 149–50.

27 D. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares de la muy noble y muy leal ciudad de Sevilla (Seville, 1795–6; facs. edn, Seville, 1978–88), i, pp. 28–9, 41, 49, 55, 82, 142–5, 227, 304.

28 ACS, sección IX, leg. 113, no. 15. The volume was compiled by Loasa towards the end of the year 1700. A small part of this volume was used by Francisco Collantes de Terán, Historia de la Hermandad y Hospital de Peregrinos que bajo la advocación de Nuestra Señora del Pilar existió en esta ciudad y dio origen a la capilla e imagen que existe en la Santa Iglesia Metropolitana y Patriarcal de la misma (Seville, 1889).

29 ACS, sección IX, leg. 113, no. 15 (42), fol. 129r.

30 Privilege granted in 1322 by Alfonso XI to the confraternity of N. S. del Pilar in Seville Cathedral. ACS, sección IX, leg. 113, no. 15.

31 M. Borrero Fernández, El Real Monasterio de San Clemente: Un monasterio cisterciense en la Sevilla medieval (Seville, 1991), pp. 12–13, 36–43, 53–4, 66–70, 138–142, 152.

32 M. Borrero Fernández, El Archivo del Real Monasterio de San Clemente de Sevilla: Catálogo de documentos (1186–1525) (Seville, 1991), pp. 37, 89–91.

33 The codicological and palaeographic study of this document, as well as a preliminary analysis of its contents, can be found in J. Ruiz Jiménez, ‘The Libro de la Regla Vieja of the Cathedral of Seville as a Musicological Source’, in Kathleen Nelson (ed.), Cathedral, City and Cloister: Essays on Manuscripts, Music and Art in Old and New Worlds (Ottawa, 2010) (forthcoming).

34 For a facsimile edition of this piece, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, p. 76.

35 Seville Cathedral, BCC, sig. 59-4-7.

36 Officium Hebdomadae Sanctae secundum morem almae Ecclesia Hispalensis (Seville, 1560), fols. xxv–xxxvir.

37 ‘Ferrand Estevan, músico, sacristán de la capilla de San Clemeynte’. These references are found in the copy of original documents of that institution (including the earliest book of acts beginning on 17 September 1397) made by canon Juan de Loaysa at the end of the seventeenth century. The theorist's name appears on fol. 13: ‘Fernandus Stephanus Musicus que assí firma en muchas partes’ (ACS, sección IX, leg. 113, no. 15, fols. 100r–101v, 104r, 126v).

38 In 1444 Francisco Rodríguez was sacristan of San Clemente and Mateo Ximénez was sacristan of the Sacristy (ACS, sección II, libro 1075, fols. 199v, 211v).

39 The census has the variants Ferrand, Ferrando and Ferrant; see M. Álvarez, M. Ariza, J. Mendoza (eds.), Un padrón de Sevilla del siglo XIV (Seville, 2001), p. 71.

40 J. Martín y Galán, ‘Estevan [Esteban], Fernand [Fernando]’, in DMEH, vol. iv (Madrid, 1999), p. 815. The reference to his European travels and presence at other courts is found in A. Basso, Dizionario enciclopedico universale della musica e dei musicisti (Turin, 1985), ii, p. 678.

41 ‘La VIII conjunta se signa en ffaut agudo por bquadrado e desimos ay mi, e toma su ut, en dlasolre agudo, segund se prueua por aquella anna que se dise Hodie Maria, segund costumbre de París.’ See F. Estevan, Reglas de canto plano è de contrapunto è de canto de órgano, commentary, study and edition by Ma. P. Escudero García (Seville, 1984), p. 92.

42 Guillermo de Mascadio is Guillaume de Machaut. The form ‘Gulielmus de Mascandio’ (and variants) appears in the Libellus cantus mensurabilis ascribed to Johannes de Muris (cap. 3); see the new edition by Christian Berktold, Ars practica mensurabilis cantus secundum Iohannem de Muris: Die Recensio maior des sogenannten ‘Libellus practice cantus mensurabilis’ (Munich, 1999), p. 25. The form ‘Mascadio’ is then taken over into other Latin treatises. I am very grateful to Bonnie Blackburn for clarifying this point.

43 Gómez Muntané cites three Iberian texts from the second half of the fifteenth century (two in Castilian and one in Catalan) that in essence reproduce Estevan's Reglas. See M. Gómez Muntané, La música medieval en España (Kassel, 2001), pp. 274–5.

44 Estevan, Reglas de canto plano, pp. 130–3. Albertus de Rosa, about whom nothing is known, was also cited in long lists of theorists and composers by Domingo Marcos Durán in his Comento sobre Lux bella (Salamanca, 1498), fol. 37v. The first edition of his treatise Lux bella was printed in 1492 by ‘cuatro alemanes compañeros’ in Seville.

45 ‘de una tradición pedagógico-musical en la ciudad de Sevilla a fines del siglo XIV, principios del XV’; see M. Gómez Muntané, ‘Prehistoria de la enseñanza musical en las universidades españolas’, in E. Casares y C. Villanueva (eds.), De Musica Hispana et aliis, Miscelánea en honor al Prof. Dr. José López-Calo, S.J. (Santiago de Compostela, 1990), i, pp. 77–89, at 87.

46 ‘Item, we order that if our body is buried in Seville, the reliquary we had made, in honour of the Virgin, be used, and carried in processions on the feasts of the Virgin, and placed on the altar, and the four volumes entitled Espejo Ystorial commissioned by King Louis of France, and the rich cloth given to us by our sister the Queen of England for the altar, and the chasuble, dalmatic and cope, which are richly embroidered with pictures, and a large box in which there are many marble figures relating to the life of the Virgin, should all be placed on the altar of the Virgin at Saturday Mass …’ (‘Otrosí mandamos que si el nuestro cuerpo ouiere a ser enterrado en Seuilla, que sea y dada nuestra tabla que fiziemos fazer con los reliquias, a onra de Santa María, e que la trayan en la procesión en las fiestas de Sancta María, e la pongan sobre el altar, e los quatro libros que llaman Espejo Ystorial que mandó hacer el rey don Loys de Francia, e el panno rico que nos dio la reyna de Inglaterra, nuestra hermana, que es pera poner sobrel altar, e la casulla e la dalmática e la capa que son de panno historiado de muchas historia e labrado muy ricamente, e una tabla grant en que ha muchas imágenes de marfil fechas a historias del fecho de Sancta María, que la pongan cada sábado sobrel altar de Sancta María a la missa …’).

‘Item, we order that all the vestments belonging to our chapel and all the other books should be given to Seville Cathedral, or to the church in Murcia, if our body is buried there, except for those vestments which are specifically intended for Seville.’ (‘Otrosí mandamos que todas las vestimentas de nuestra capella con todos los otros libros que los den a la iglesia de Sancta María de Seuilla o a la iglesia de Murcia, si el nuestro cuerpo fuere y enterrado, sacado aquellas vestimientas que mandaron dar señaladamente a la iglesia de Sancta María de Seuilla …’).

‘Item, we order that all the books of the Cantigas of the Miracles and in Praise of the Virgin be left in the church where our body is buried, and that they should be sung on the feasts of the Holy Virgin and Our Lord. And if the one that rightfully inherits wishes to have the Cantigas de Santa María, we order that some favour be made in lieu to the church from which they are taken, so that they may have them freely as a gift.’ (‘Otrosí mandamos que todos los libros de los Cantares de los Miraglos e de Loor de Sancta María sean todos en aquella iglesia ó el nuestro cuerpo fuere enterrado, e que los fagan cantar en las fiestas de Sancta maría e de Nuestro Señor. Et si aquél que lo nuestro heredare con derecho e por nos quisiere ayer estos libros de los Cantares de Sancta María mandamos que faga bien e algo por end a la iglesia dont los tomare, porque los aya con merced y sin pecado’). Diplomatario andaluz de Alfonso X, ed. M. González Jiménez (Seville, 1991), pp. 559–60. The last part of this third clause was possibly inserted in case it was contested so that the books of Cantigas were taken by one his successors (as may have occurred with the copies currently preserved in the library of El Escorial and Florence). Ortiz de Zúñiga maintained on several occasions that Philip II was responsible for taking them from Seville Cathedral to El Escorial. The copy in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale with the shelfmark Banco rari 20 (olim II.I.213) (the continuation of the El Escorial copy E2), still belonged to the Sevillian humanist Juan Lucas Cortés in the mid-seventeenth century. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares, i, pp. 94, 97, 335–6, 344–5. I believe that these copies were removed from the cathedral much earlier, possibly even in the time of Isabel, and that one copy, listed in the 1503 inventories drawn up in the Alcázar in Segovia, cannot be traced in those of the Biblioteca Capitular dating from the sixteenth century, the earliest of which, from 1522, lists 512 volumes. See F. Barbieri, Documentos sobre música española y epistolario (Legado Barbieri) (Madrid, 1988), ii, p. 34 and Ma C. Álvarez Márquez, El mundo del libro en la iglesia catedral de Sevilla en el siglo XVI (Seville, 1992), pp. 213–44. This would seem to be confirmed by the presence of a copy of the Cantigas in Isabel's library, which was taken after her death to the royal chapel in Granada and from there to El Escorial; see T. Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile and her Music Books: Franco-Flemish Song in Fifteenth-Century Spain’, in Barbara F. Weissberger (ed.), Queen Isabel of Castile: Power, Patronage, Persona (Woodbridge, 2008), pp. 29–54, at 39, 47.

47 The marginal notes in the Toledan copy (To) identifying which cantigas were to be performed on which feasts of the liturgical year provide evidence for their use in the cathedral context. Gómez Muntané, La música medieval en España, p. 175.

48 Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares, i, pp. 196–7, 235.

49 ‘Costa que dy a los quatro cantores que ofiçiaron los maytines de la noche de Navidad 40 mrs. Yten di a los que cantaron las chançonetas que son estos: a Pedro Fernández 20, a Fernand Sánchez 20, a Juan Ao 20, a Juan García sacristán de San Clemente 20, a Ao Sánchez maestro de los moços 20, a los moços 40. Yten al sochantre 10, que son todos 150.’ ‘Yten, porque no se contaron por yerro de los cantores de la noche de Nauidad de los que dixeron las chançonetas 40 que dieron a los moços del coro.’ In 1423, seven singers sang the chanzonetas, including a ‘tenor’, who was apparently invited for the occasion, as well as the succentor and seven choirboys (ACS, sección II, libro 1075, fols. 26v, 28v, 58v).

50 Barbieri, Biografías y documentos, i, pp. 434–5; F. Reynaud, La Polyphonie tolédane et son milieu (Paris, 1996), pp. 348, 360.

51 A. Puigvert Ocal, ‘Contribución al estudio de la lengua en la obra de Villasandino (aspectos léxico-semánticos)’ (doctoral thesis, Universidad Complutense, 1985), pp. 332–3; C. Mota Placencia, ‘La obra poética de Alfonso Álvarez de Villasandino’ (doctoral thesis, Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, 1992), p. 32.

52 This songbook was copied c. 1430 by Juan Alfonso de Baena, scribe to Juan II, who is known to have resided for a while in Seville. It represents both past and present, and all the poets following the Italian school are young Andalusians and Sevillians, such as Imperial and Ferrán Manuel de Lando; alongside these is a group of poets who belonged to the clergy. Antología del cancionero de Baena, ed. J. Serrano Reyes (Baena, 2000), pp. xxix–xxxii.

53 Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, ed. B. Dutton and J. González Cuenca (Madrid, 1993), p. 11.

54 The ‘Cancionero de Baena’ includes four of these songs commissioned by the city council, three of which are specified to be performed at Christmas (nos. 28–31): Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, ed. Dutton and González, pp. 44–8; Mota Placencia, ‘La obra poética’, p. 142.

55 Un padrón de Sevilla del siglo XIV, p. 123. I believe that this was probably the same Pero Alfonso who entered the service of Fernando de Antequera while the court was resident in Seville in 1400, 1402, 1406 or 1407, when the city was the base for the campaign against Zahara de la Sierra (Cádiz). Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares, ii, pp. 264, 287, 306, 311–18.

56 Other minstrels, probably of Sevillian origin, with a brilliant career were: Juan de Sevilla, Fernando de Sevilla and Rodrigo de Sevilla. The first was the son of Pero Alfonso who, having passed through the courts of Aragon, Castile, Navarre, the counts of Foix and Comminges, served the Emperor of Constantinople, John Palaeologus. M. C. Gómez Muntané, La música en la casa real catalano-aragonesa (1336–1442) (Barcelona, 1979), i, pp. 56, 190; M. Gómez, ‘Some Precursors of the Spanish Lute School’, Early Music, 20 (1992), pp. 583–93, at 584–9; Gómez Muntané, La música medieval en España, pp. 286–7.

57 For a detailed study of the Cancionero Musical de Astudillo, see P. M. Cátedra, Liturgia, poesía y teatro en la Edad Media: Estudios sobre prácticas culturales y literarias (Madrid, 2005). On the tradition of singing songs in the vernacular, including those for Christmastide, in different parts of Europe, see M. Gómez, ‘La polifonía vocal española del Renacimiento hacia el Barroco: El caso de los villancicos de Navidad’, Nassarre, 17 (2001), pp. 77–114, at 81–4.

58 J. Sánchez Herrero, ‘Sevilla medieval’, in Historia de la Iglesia de Sevilla (Seville, 1992), pp. 101–299, at 222.

59 This radical transformation of the spaces of the converted mosque can be studied from the highly informative digital reconstructions realised by A. Almagro Gorbera, ‘De Mezquita a Catedral: Una adaptación imposible’, in Alfonso Jiménez Martín (ed.), La Piedra Postrera. Simposium internacional sobre la catedral de Sevilla en el contexto del gótico final. (1) Ponencias (Seville, 2007), pp. 13–45; A. Almagro Gorbera, La mezquita almohade de Sevilla y su conversión en catedral [DVD] ([Granada], 2009). The recent discovery of the earliest drawing of the original plan of the Gothic building in the Clare convent of the Santísima Trinidad de Bidaurreta in Oñate (Guipúzcoa), has opened up new perspectives on the construction of the cathedral; see B. Alonso Ruiz and A. Jiménez Martín, La traça de la Iglesia de Sevilla (Seville, 2009).

60 Sánchez Herrero, ‘Centros de enseñanza’, pp. 885–9.

61 Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares, ii, p. 174. In 1380, there were nine members of the clergy from the archiepiscopal see of Seville in the Spanish College in Bologna. Sánchez Herrero, ‘Centros de enseñanza’, p. 890.

62 The 1384 census lists ‘the trumpeter of the Archbishop’, revealing the existence of a group of ceremonial instrumentalists in the service of don Pedro Gómez Álvarez de Albornoz. Un padrón de Sevilla, p. 73.

63 M. Álvarez Márquez, ‘La biblioteca capitular de la catedral hispalense en el siglo XV’, Archivo Hispalense, 213 (1987), pp. 3–63, at 15, 27–44. On the biographies of these archbishops, see Sánchez Herrero, ‘Sevilla Medieval’, pp. 177–82.

64 On the patronage of these prelates, see F. Checa, ‘Poder y Piedad: Patronos y mecenas en la introducción del Renacimiento en España’, in Reyes y Mecenas: Los Reyes Católicos – Maximiliano I y los inicios de la Casa de Austria en España, exh. cat., Toledo, Museo de Santa Cruz, 12 March–31 May (Madrid, 1992), pp. 21–54.

65 Cardinal Cervantes's secretary at the Council of Basel was the poet Juan Rodríguez Padrón, who wrote the texts of the songs Bive leda, si podrás and Muy triste será mi vida preserved in the CMC. The first of these, according to David Fallows, includes material from Du Fay's well-known song Le serviteur hault guerdonné. D. Fallows, ‘I fogli parigini del cancionero musical e del manoscrito teorico della Biblioteca Colombina’, Rivista Italiana de Musicologia, 27 (1992), pp. 25–40, at 33.

66 Álvarez Márquez, ‘La biblioteca capitular’, pp. 16–17, 45–63.

67 J. M. Laboa, Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo, alcaide de Sant'Angelo (Madrid, 1973), p. 303. In 1438, Cervantes and Sánchez de Arévalo may have coincided with Du Fay, who attended the Council of Basel as part of the Cambrai delegation. On the significant musical activity, production and exchange at Basel, see R. Strohm, The Rise of European Music 1380–1500 (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 250–9.

68 F. León Tello, Estudios de historia de la teoría musical (Madrid, 1962), pp. 212–13. A copy of this book was to be found in the Biblioteca Capitular, according to an inventory dated 1522. Álvarez Márquez, El mundo del libro, p. 242.

69 On these new devotional spaces, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 13–21.

70 ACS, sección IV, libro 7, fols. 77v–78r; sección IX, leg. 113, no. 15.

71 Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From Mozos de coro towards Seises’, p. 95.

72 ‘a la cual oración de la salve regina yo establezco por mi legítima heredera’ (ACS, sección IX, leg. 47, nos. 13–16).

73 Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From Mozos de coro towards Seises’, pp. 95–6.

74 Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 14–16.

75 Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From Mozos de coro towards Seises’, p. 96.

76 G. Cattin, ‘Church Patronage of Music in Fifteenth-Century Italy’, in Iain Fenlon (ed.), Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Patronage, Sources and Text (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 21–36, at 23, 27.

77 The cited passages are taken from the translation given in Simón de la Rosa y López, Los seises, pp. 65–6. The original bulls are preserved in ACS, sección IX, leg. 125, nos. 15–17. See also Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From Mozos de coro towards Seises’, pp. 87–8.

78 ‘sucede con frecuencia que no suele encontrarse maestro perito en gramática y en música a la vez; y como los servicios de canto del maestro y los niños son de más inmediata y directa utilidad que los de gramática para el culto de la Iglesia y más necesarios para aumentar su brillo y esplendor …’. De la Rosa, Los seises, pp. 69–70.

79 In 1365, Lorenzo Rodríguez de Villalpando, a cleric from the diocese of Leon, was a benefice holder and grammar teacher in Seville (Sánchez Herrero, ‘Centros de enseñanza’, p. 878). In 1488, the chapter agreed ‘to pay the graduates who are studying grammar at San Miguel 500 maravedís for the teaching and demonstrating of grammar to the choirboys, one of whom was Per Álvarez’ (‘pagar a los bachilleres que leen gramática en Sant Miguel quinientos maravedís por que tengan cargo de leer y mostrar gramática a los moços del choro y que el uno fuese Per Álvarez el moço’). ACS, AC 4, fol. 139v.

80 ACS, sección II, libro 1076, fol. 29r.

81 T. Knighton, Música y músicos en la corte de Fernando el Católico (Zaragoza, 2001), p. 96.

82 Two further references have been found: ‘di a un cantor que los lleuó, el tenor, veinte mrs’, ‘di a siete cantores que fueron cantando canto de órgano en la procesión cada veinte mrs’ (ACS, sección IV, libro 3, fols. 48v–49r).

83 This total is based on a four-year average, and includes the value of payment in kind such as wheat and barley, as well as the income from the extra payments from attendance at services throughout the year, reckoned in maravedís and paid from the cathedral mesa capitular (ACS, sección II, libro 2B). This figure is still a long way off that estimated by Javier Suárez-Pajares for Francisco Guerrero as chapelmaster some years later: about 150,000 maravedís in 1554, up to 190,000 in 1565–74. J. Suárez-Pajares, ‘Dinero y honor: Aspectos del magisterio de capilla en la España de Francisco Guerrero’, in J. Griffiths and J. Suárez-Pajares (eds.), Políticas y prácticas musicales en el mundo de Felipe II (Madrid, 2004), pp. 149–97, at 179.

84 On the few extant musical sources documented in Seville Cathedral in the fifteenth century, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 77–8.

85 León, Estudios de historia, pp. 221, 223, 420, 471. There is a small discrepancy in the dating, since the date 1482 also appears in the text.

86 This would coincide with the presence of works by Ockeghem, Du Fay and Busnoys in the CMC, as will be discussed below. See Fallows, ‘I fogli parigini’, pp. 31, 39.

87 Johannes Tinctoris, Opera theoretica, ed. A. Seay ([Rome], 1975), ii, p. 12; Strohm, The Rise of European Music, p. 127.

88 ACS, sección III, libro 1, fols. 3r, 44v.

89 ACS, sección II, libros 666, 670, 675–7, 681, 1078, fol. 17r, 00922, sección IX, leg. 179, no 51. AC 4, fol. 137v.

90 ACS, sección II, libros 867A, 1488, fol. 174r, 1489, fol. 75r; sección V, libros 8, 9 and 10. On this composer and his only surviving mass setting, see R. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985), pp. 123, 193; Strohm, The Rise of European Music, pp. 406–8. A modern edition of his mass is included in R. Strohm, Mass Settings from the Lucca Choirbook (Fifteenth-Century Liturgical Music, 6; London, 2007), pp. 5–32.

91 See n. 17 above. ACS, AC 4, fol. 115v. The name Catalina Enrique, daughter of Enrique Tique, canon of Seville Cathedral and resident of Santa María parish, is mentioned in two legal documents concerning a property transaction dated 1488 and 1490 (ACS, sección IX, leg. 89, pieza 20 (1 and 3)).

92 ACS, AC 4, fols. 4r, 137v.

93 This idea was discussed in Tess Knighton, ‘Cantores reales y catedrales durante la época de los Reyes Católicos’, Revista de Musicología, 16 (1993), pp. 87–91.

94 K. Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain (Woodbridge, 2004), p. 45; I. Pope and T. Knighton, ‘Triana, Juan de’, Grove Music Online (acc. 21 June 2009).

95 R. Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960), pp. 195–6.

96 Barbieri, Biografías y documentos, i, p. 478; Reynaud, La Polyphonie tolédane, p. 101.

97 ACS, sección II, libros 681, 00922, 1079, fol. 165r.

98 J. A. Ollero Pina, ‘La Historia Parthenopea de Alfonso Fernández de Benadeva, la inquisición y otras cosas de familias’, in L. C. Álvarez Santaló (coord.), Estudios de historia moderna en homenaje al profesor Antonio García-Baquero (Seville, 2009), pp. 549–83, at 558–60.

99 ACS, AC 1, fol. 25r, 2, fol. 9r–v, 4, fol. 50r; sección II, libro 657, 00620.

100 On the relationship between these two works, see Gómez Muntané, ‘La polifonía vocal española del Renacimiento hacia el Barroco’, pp. 84–7, and P. Rey, ‘Weaving Ensaladas’, in T. Knighton and A. Torrente (eds.), Devotional Music in the Iberian World, 1450–1800: The Villancico and Related Genres (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 15–51, at 40. Cátedra, Liturgia, poesía y teatro en la Edad Media, pp. 310–14, 520.

101 By the second half of the seventeenth century it was difficult to read the inscription on his tombstone. The wording (‘in very old lettering’) is included in the Memorias sepulchrales of the cathedral: ‘Here lies Juan de Triana, prebendary of this Holy Church: may he rest in peace. He died on Thursday, 28 January of the year’ (it appears to be 1484) (‘Esta sepultura es de Juan de Triana, racionero que fue en esta Santa Yglesia cuya ánima Dios haya. Falleció jueves 28 de enero año de (parece dice 1484)’). In fact, it must have read ‘1494’, since he was still alive in 1493. The day after his death, 29 January 1494, the houses where he lived in the Calle de las Armas, property of the chapter, were valued for leasing. In his will he endowed a chaplaincy to sing twenty-five Masses a month for his soul at the altar of San Juan Bautista (now in the chapel of ‘the little blind one’ (‘la cieguita’) or the Immaculate maiden), near to his burial place (ACS, sección II, libros 423, 432, 679; sección IV, libros 13, fol. 46v, 15, fols. 30v, 35v, 356, 408, fol. 257r).

102 ACS, AC 1, fol. 1v, 4, fols. 29v, 109v, 164r.

103 T. Knighton, ‘Francisco de la Torre, in DMEH, vol. x (Madrid, 2002), p. 383; T. Knighton, Música y músicos, p. 345; Stevenson, Spanish Music, p. 194.

104 In this early period he also held the position of sacristan in the chapel of Cardinal Juan de Cervantes (ACS, sección IV, libro 12, fols. 42r, 44r). On the itinerary of the royal courts, see A. Rumeu de Armas, Itinerario de los Reyes Católicos (Madrid, 1974).

105 ACS, sección II, libro 678.

106 La Torre did not receive his half-prebend in 1488, as Stevenson maintained, as he is not listed among the prebendaries for that year (ACS, AC 4, fols. 104r, 118r; sección II, libro 431).

107 In 1491, La Torre put in a bid for some chapter houses in the parish of the Magdalena. In 1493, he participated in the processions for the feasts of the Circumcision, Epiphany, the anniversary of Alfonso XI (16–17 January), St Sebastian, and the Purification. In November of that year, he was witness to the leasing of some property belonging to the chapter (ACS, AC 4, fol. 164r; sección II, libros 432, 678, fol. 42r, 680).

108 A detailed description of this house survives: it was large and well situated, suggesting (together with the high rent (5,000 maravedís) and the presence of a female slave) that La Torre was relatively well off. He left his possessions to the cathedral fábrica. This house was close to where the chapelmasters Juan Valera and Pedro de Escobar (after he moved to Seville) lived, in a property also owned by the cathedral chapter which was leased at 3,400 maravedís. From April 1510, Escobar lived in another building belonging to the chapter, opposite the door of the Nativity of the cathedral (ACS, AC 5, fols. 228v, 232v; sección II, libros 683, 1500; sección IV, libros 376, fol. 9r, 04023, fols. 6r, 8v, 19v).

109 ACS, sección II, libro 683, 719, 722a; sección IV, libro 408, fol. 323r.

110 T. Knighton, ‘Alba [Alva, Alua], Alonso de [Alfonso] [Pérez de]’, in DMEH, vol. i (Madrid, 1999), pp. 170–1.

111 ACS, sección IV, libro 1079, fols. 124r, 165r, 202v.

112 During this sojourn, on 18 April 1490, the marriage by proxy of the infanta doña Isabel and Alfonso of Portugal took place in Seville Cathedral, the celebrations and tournaments lasting until 2 May (Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares, iii, pp. 146–7).

113 This document is again found transcribed among Barbieri's papers, but the original has not been located in the royal archive of Simancas. Barbieri, Biografías y documentos, i, p. 377.

114 Alva's new contract, dated 25 January 1503, specifies: ‘On this day the said Alonso de Alva took an oath before the precentor and schoolmaster that he would not leave the post of chapelmaster granted and conferred on him by their excellencies to serve any other church or lord or for any other reason’ (‘Este día se obligó el dicho Alonso Dalua delante de los señores chantre e maestrescuela que no dexaría el cargo que sus mercedes le encomendauan e mandauan tener de maestro de su capilla por otra iglesia ni señor ninguno ni por otra causa alguna’). Possibly he had not left Seville but remained to serve elsewhere, perhaps in a noble household. In 1498, the chapter took a singing-post (cantoría) from ‘Solis, of Alonso de Alva’, probably a servant or apprentice who would have left and returned to Seville with Alva. This was almost certainly Fernando de Solis, master of the choirboys, who held the post in the interim following Alva's death in 1504 and the appointment of Valera in 1505 (ACS, AC 4, fol. 172v; 5, fols. 13r, 84r; 6, fols. 5v, 70r; sección II, libro 678; sección IV, libros 15, fol. 26r, 16, fol. 23v). Fernando de Solís appears in the service of the Fifth Duke of Medina Sidonia, Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, in 1516; see J. Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Power and Musical Exchange: The Dukes of Medina Sidonia in Renaissance Seville’, Early Music, 37 (2009), pp. 401–15, at 410.

115 T. Knighton, Música y músicos, pp. 322–3: ‘en ninguno de los documentos consultados se encuentra ninguna referencia a que fuera cantor’.

116 He lived in a property owned by the chapter near the cathedral, in calle Jimios. When in 1478 the chapter appointed Pedro Sánchez de Santo Domingo as master of the choirboys, Nicolás Brazo de Hierro remained at Seville, but only as a singer, until 1481. His possibly Italian origins and the dates when he was active make him a possible candidate for the anonymous treatise discussed above. ACS, sección II, libros 249, 1075, fol. 294v, 1079, fols. 27v, 59v; AC, 1, fol. 2r.

117 K. Kreitner, ‘The Dates (?) of the Cancionero de la Colombina’, in M. Gómez and M. Bernadó (eds.), Fuentes musicales en la Península Ibérica (ca. 1250–ca. 1550): Actas del Coloquio Internacional, Lleida, 1–3 abril 1996 (Lleida, 2002), pp. 121–40, at 121, 123, 128; Kreitner, The Church Music, pp. 42–3. On the two hypotheses concerning the relationship between the leaves that form manuscript 4379/D of the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris with the CMC, see Fallows, ‘I fogli parigini’, pp. 25–40; Kreitner, The Church Music, p. 54.

118 On 11 April 1483, Juan de Triana was paid 120 maravedís by the chapter to visit the duchess to discuss an allowance with her, suggesting a degree of contact with the ducal household (ACS, sección II, libro 00922).

119 ACS, AC, 1, fol. 2v. On secular music at the court of the Constable of Castile, see M. Gómez Muntané, ‘La música laica en el reino de Castilla en tiempos del condestable don Miguel Lucas de Iranzo (1458–1473)’, Revista de Musicología, 19 (1996), pp. 25–45 and T. Knighton, ‘Spaces and Contexts for Listening in 15th-Century Castile: The Case of the Constable's Palace in Jaén’, Early Music, 25 (1997), pp. 661–77. On musical patronage at the ducal court of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, see Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Power and Musical Exchange’, pp. 401–15.

120 Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 208–9.

121 ACS, sección III, libro 1, fol. 56v.

122 Payments to Gonzalo, pintor in 1487 ‘por cuatro máscaras que fizo para la noche de Navidad’ and 1502 ‘a los pastores de los maytines de Navidad’. A chapter act of 7 January 1519 reads: ‘On this day, their reverences ordered that the chapelmaster of this cathedral should not visit any other church with the choirboys to perform plays or sing chanzonetas or anything else except in the houses of the nobles of the city and nowhere else’ (‘Este día sus merçedes mandaron que el maestro de capilla desta dicha santa iglesia no vaya a parte alguna fuera de la dicha santa yglesia con los cantorçicos a fazer farças ni a cantar las chançonetas e otra cosa alguna syno fuese a casa de algunos grandes señores desta çibdad e no a otra parte’). ACS, AC 9, fol. 209v; sección VI, libro 78, fol. 8v. De la Rosa, Los seises, pp. 189, 231. In the CMC there is also a semidramatic ensalada with a dance structure – Triana's Dinos, Madre del donçel – which would also be appropriate for Christmas celebrations. In addition, Pepe Rey proposes that a group of pieces copied next to it would have been performed at Christmastide: J. J. Rey Marcos, Danzas cantadas del Renacimiento español (Madrid, 1978), pp. 94–6; P. Rey, ‘Música coral vernácula entre el Medievo y el Renacimiento’, Nassarre, 17 (2001), pp. 23–64, at 49–51; Rey, ‘Weaving Ensaladas’, pp. 37–40, 45–8.

123 Gómez Muntané, La música medieval en España, pp. 66–9.

124 In 1464, the chapelmaster Nicola Brazo de Hierro was himself paid for ‘mending the crown of thorns shown by Mary’ (‘adobó la corona d'espinas que enseña la María’), and further payments were made to the ‘afeytadera que aderezó la María en la mañana e tarde en la yglesia’ and to the choirboy, Antón, who played Mary. Some years later in 1498, payments were specifically ‘to the Mary Magdalene who took part in the Easter service, and for gloves and ribbons for Mary’ (‘a la María Magdalena que hizo el ofiçio de la Resurrección, e para guantes e çintas para la María’). ACS, sección IV, libros 2B, fols. 3v, 4r, 7, fol. 19r, 8, fol. 14r, 10, fol. 23r, 13, fol. 21r, 17, fol. 27v. Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From Mozos de coro towards Seises’, pp. 99–100.

125 Some years later, when Guerrero was chapelmaster, this repertory would have been copied into the ‘quaderno de la prosa de la Resurrección’ listed in the 1588 cathedral inventory. Álvarez Márquez, El mundo del libro, p. 251; Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 117, 318.

126 Kreitner, ‘The Dates (?) of the Cancionero’, p. 128.

127 Gómez Muntané, ‘La polifonía vocal española’, p. 80.

128 The library of Juan de Guzmán, third Duke of Medina Sidonia (1507) held: ‘otro libro, cancionero, de la tabla quebrada, de canto de órganos’. The inventory of this library was published by Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada and Ma Concepción Quintanilla Raso. E. Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI (I)’, Pliegos de Bibliofilia, 15 (2001), pp. 37–62, at 61; Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Power and Musical Exchange’, p. 406.

129 Colección documental del Descubrimiento (1470–1506) (Madrid, 1994), i, pp. 281–2.

130 In 1485, the Duke of Medinaceli ordered that his chamberlain Juan del Águila be reimbursed for the maravedís he had spent (July–November 1485): ‘que disteis por mi mandado a çinco menestriles altos del condestable de Castilla, doscientos y setenta y çinco maravedís a cada uno de merced que yo les hise que montó dos mil trescientos y veinte y çinco maravedís’. Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli, leg. 68, no 2.

131 Rey, ‘Weaving Ensaladas’, p. 40.

132 The case outlined here is presented in more detail in Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 36–8, 82–8, 139–40, 149–55.

133 R. Freund, ‘Sevilla 5-5-20, Tarazona 2/3 y otras fuentes de la música ibérica del siglo XVI: Una reconsideración de relaciones’, in M. Gómez and M. Bernadó (eds.), Fuentes musicales en la Península Ibérica (ca. 1250–ca. 1550): Actas del Coloquio Internacional, Lleida, 1–3 abril 1996 (Lleida, 2002), pp. 203–17, at 203; Kreitner, The Church Music, p. 140–53; E. Esteve, ‘Manuscrito musical 2/3 de la catedral de Tarazona: Estudio historiográfico’, Nassarre, 22 (2006), pp. 131–72.

134 I have not included Quixada, although a singer by the name of Martín de Quesada was active at the cathedral in 1503, and he may have been the composer of the mass attributed to ‘Quixada’ in E-TZ 2–3 and of the setting of the Magnificat attributed to ‘Quesada’ in E-Bbc 454 (ACS, sección VI, libro 78, fol. 18v).

135 I have included Urrede's Pange lingua since the composer was resident in Seville while the Catholic Monarchs sojourned there from the end of July 1477 until the beginning of October 1478. The piece continued to be performed at Seville Cathedral in 1613; the endowment made that year by the Archdeacon of Carmona, Don Mateo Vázquez de Leca, for the Octave of Corpus Christi, stated explicitly: ‘this feast should end each afternoon with the “Tantum ergo” in the setting by Urrede’ (‘se ha de rematar la fiesta cada tarde con el Tantum ergo que dicen de Vreda’). De la Rosa, Los seises, p. 250. On this work's place in the cathedral canon, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 304–6.

136 This singer can be identified with ‘Fernando, el del obispo de Badajoz’, one of the musicians who served Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca, Dean of Seville Cathedral before he was promoted to the see of Badajoz, and one of the main advisers of the Catholic Monarchs from the last decade of the fifteenth century (ACS 5, fol. 13r (1498)). On the link between Rodríguez de Fonseca, the diffusion of the Salve service and manuscript E-Sc 5-5-20, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 150–2; T. Knighton, ‘Marian Devotions in Early Sixteenth-Century Spain: The Case of the Bishop of Palencia, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca (1451–1524)’, in G. Filocamo, M. J. Bloxam and L. Holford-Strevens (eds.), Uno gentile et subtile ingenio: Studies in Renaissance Music in Honour of Bonnie J. Blackburn (Turnhout, 2009), pp. 137–46.

137 ACS, AC 6, fols. 100v, 115r.

138 On this volume and how Columbus's library reached Seville Cathedral, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 94–5, 204–7.

139 ACS, AC 5, fol. 325v.

140 On 20 December 1510, Estabillo was paid for five parchment cuadernos that he had bought ‘para escreuir las obras del señor canónigo Peñalosa’. At the end of March 1511, he was recompensed for the copying of both text and music on ten parchment cuadernos ‘de çiertas obras de Peñalosa para el seruicio desta Santa Iglesia’. On 6 October he was paid for ‘notating in polyphony fifteen cuadernos and six leaves of parchment for the book of Peñalosa's works’ (‘puntar quinse cuadernos e seys fojas de pergamino de canto de órgano en el libro de las obras de Peñalosa’). In 1513, he received five reales for ‘ciertas obras que punctó de canto de órgano para esta santa iglesia’, though the Peñalosa volume is not specified here. AC 5, fol. 325v, 8, fol. 28r; sección IV, libros 25, fol. 6v; 26, fols. 4v, 6r; 30, fol. 4v. Stevenson reproduced only the first of these references in Spanish Music, p. 147, but he states that the book was valued (‘tasado’) rather than copied (‘trasladado’); this misreading has been followed in other studies: Knighton, Música y músicos, p. 114; T. Knighton, ‘Francisco de Peñalosa: New Works Lost and Found’, in D. Crawford and G. G. Wagstaff (eds.), Encomium Musicae: Essays in Honour of Robert J. Snow (Hillsdale, NY, 2002), pp. 231–57, at 241; E. Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions’ (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992), i, p. 239. In a later article, Ros-Fábregas, based on the information published by María de Carmen Álvarez Márquez, notes Stevenson's misreading: Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI (y III)’, Pliegos de Bibliofilia, 17 (2002), pp. 17–54, 31–2.

141 In the undated inventory (c. 1550) of the music books donated by Fernando de Aragón (1488–1550), Duke of Calabria, to the monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes in Valencia the following item is listed: ‘Un libro de Peñalosa, cubierto de cartón y cuero leonado. Está en casa’. Ros-Fábregas has suggested that though there could have been a link between this manuscript and E-TZ 2–3 through the figure of Pedro de Pastrana, who served both the Duke of Calabria and at Tarazona Cathedral, this cannot be the case since the bindings are different. Perhaps the volume of Peñalosa's works owned by the Duke of Calabria was in fact the exemplar used for copying the Seville volume. J. Moll, ‘Notas para la historia musical de la corte del duque de Calabria’, Anuario Musical, 18 (1963), pp. 123–35, at 135; Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona’, pp. 243–4. Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música … (y III)’, p. 18. Other surviving manuscripts or references to books of Peñalosa's music in inventories contain much fewer works by him and are more in the nature of miscellaneous collections. Knighton, ‘Francisco de Peñalosa’, pp. 231–57.

142 The inventory description is almost identical to that found in a Tarazona inventory which I believe refers to E-TZ 3: ‘Un libro de tablas, viejo, de misas de Peñalosa, que no sirve’ (see below, n. 161). P. Calahorra, ‘Los fondos musicales de la catedral de Tarazona’, Nassarre, 8 (1992), pp. 9–56, at 10–11, 37.

143 For the most recent information on Peñalosa's presence at Seville Cathedral, see J. Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Infunde amorem cordibus: An Early 16th-Century Polyphonic Hymn Cycle from Seville’, Early Music, 33 ( 2005), pp. 619–38, at 619–20.

144 Álvarez Márquez, El mundo del libro, pp. 249–51, 295, 331, 349, 354, 356, 364, 398–9; Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 96–7.

145 Kreitner, The Church Music, p. 142; K. Kreitner, ‘Two Early Morales Magnificat Settings’, in O. Rees and B. Nelson (eds.), Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception (Woodbridge, 2007), pp. 21–61, at 26–9; Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 139–40; Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Power and Musical Exchange’, pp. 405, 410.

146 For the different versions of Pedro/Pero Fernández/Hernández, see ACS, AC 5, fol. 117r; sección IV, libros 16, fol. 3r; 17, fol. 26r; 18, fol. 26r; 33, fol. 32v; 78, fol. 41r; 80, fol. 17r.

147 Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From Mozos de Coro towards Seises’, p. 96.

148 The chapter acts for 29 May 1504 cite the different participants in this ceremony and include the note: ‘this day the chapter members ordered a ducat be paid to the succentor, and another to Alonso de Alva, for their work for the burial of the Reverend Señor Cardinal, may he rest in peace’ (‘este dicho día mandaron sus mercedes dar al sochantre un ducado e a Alonso de Alua otro ducado por el trabajo que ovieron en el enterramiento del Rvd. Señor Cardenal que aya Santa Gloria’) (ACS, AC 6, fol. 78v).

149 Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, pp. 53–7, 199–205.

150 E. Russell, ‘A New Manuscript Source for the Music of Cristóbal de Morales: Morales' “Lost” Missa pro Defunctis and Early Spanish Requiem Traditions’, Anuario Musical, 33–5 (1978–80), pp. 9–49, at 10, 14–15, 19–27.

151 Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares, v, p. 151; M. Canesi Acevedo, Historia de Valladolid (1750; Valladolid, 1996), i, p. 403.

152 Seville, BCC, sig. 60-2-18.

153 BCC, sig. 56-1-2, fol. 208v.

154 ACS, sección III, libro 1, fol. 400r–v. Two Mexican sources from 1566 and 1568 refer to the text Absolve Domine with the same indication (‘Tempore resurrectionis’), which is unsurprising given the use of the Sevillian liturgy in vice-regal Mexico until the adoption of the Roman rite following the Council of Trent. Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, p. 203.

155 Given the doubt about the identification of Pedro de Porto and Pedro de Escobar noted below, it seems unlikely that Escobar's Requiem was composed for the funeral of prince Juan, as has been suggested by other scholars. Knighton, Música y músicos, pp. 140–1; Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, pp. 195–7; Kreitner, The Church Music, pp. 142–5.

156 All the new references I have found in the documentation at Seville refer to Pedro de Escobar. As a prebendary he had to be ordained so that he could receive the benefits of a chaplaincy and as a cleric of the veintena, by way of complementing his salary. During his seven years as chapelmaster, the chapter never appear to have complained about his behaviour, which would contrast strongly with that of the Pedro de Porto, father of two daughters, who led a dissolute life some years later in Portugal. ACS, sección II, libro 251; sección IV, libro 22, libro 04023. On the identification of Pedro de Escobar and Pedro de Porto as separate individuals, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 84–8.

157 ACS, AC 6, fol.75r. The first archbishop, don Raimundo, was buried in the chapel of Santiago, for which he had endowed two chaplaincies. His anniversary was celebrated in about 1411 in the month of August in the following manner: ‘the bells of both towers are to be rung on the said anniversary and there are to be singers, and a third of the maravedís should be distributed on the vigil and two-thirds at Mass, and in the afternoon after the third lesson there are two responsories, the first Libera me Domine de morte eterna and the second Ne recorderis. In the morning when Mass is celebrated there are also two responsories, the first Ne recorderis and the second Libera me Domine de morte eterna’ (‘han de tañer todas las campanas de ambas torres al dicho aniversario e ay cantores e la tertia parte de los maravedies se reparten a la vigilia e las dos partes a la missa, e la tarde después de la tercia lección ay dos responsos el primero es Libera me domine de morte eterna y el segundo responso es Ne recorderis. En la mañana dicha la missa ay otros dos responsos el primero es Ne recorderis y el segundo responso es Libera me domine de morte eterna’) (ACS, sección I, libro 372, fol. 136r). The ‘Regla Vieja’ specifies its place, as elsewhere in Spain, in the office as the responsory for the fifth lesson of the second nocturn of matins from the Office for the Dead (ACS, sección III, libro 1, fol. 399v). On the performance contexts for these responsories, see G. Wagstaff, ‘Morales's Officium, Chant Traditions, and Performing 16th-Century Music’, Early Music, 32 (2004), pp. 225–43, at 225–9.

158 Kreitner makes an unusual suggestion as regards the composer of the Ne recorderis responsory; he puts forward Sanabria, based on a supposed identification with the singer Juan Rodríguez de la Torre, since by 1497 Francisco de la Torre was no longer in the service of the royal chapel and he believed the composers's whereabouts to be unknown; Kreitner, The Church Music, pp. 147–8.

159 I have chosen these two hymns as representative examples of the polyphonic hymn cycle preserved in E-TZ 2–3, a cycle that corresponds with the liturgy and chant of the Seville diocese. For more detail, see Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Infunde amorem cordibus’, pp. 619–38.

160 Intonarium Toletanum (Alcalá de Henares, 1515), fol. ixr; Breviarium secundum consuetudinem Romane Curie (Venice, 1504), fols. 67r–68r; Breviarium Romanum: ex decreto sacrosancti concilii Tridentini restitutum, Pio V Pont. Max. (Venice, 1571), fol. 193v.

161 On this hymn cycle and the manuscript in question, see Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano, pp. 40–8, 119–21, 391–402. I have only been able to locate one other setting of Beata nobis gaudia in Spanish sources, in E-Bbc 454 (fol. xviiiv). This anonymous setting was added to the manuscript and is of unknown provenance; its liturgical filiation may shed light on that source's history. Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona’, pp. 12, 132.

162 ACS, sección III, libro 1, fols. 143r, 144r. The Intonarium Toletanum (fol. viiiv) also prescribes this hymn for Terce, and designates the hymn Jam Christus astra ascenderat for Vespers, as was usual in pre-Tridentine Spain.

163 [Breviarium Tirasonensis] (Zaragoza, 1541), fols. 281r–284r; Intonario general para todas las yglesias de España (Zaragoza, 1548), fol. 44r.

164 In the hymnal preserved in the middle of the ‘Regla Vieja’, Beata nobis gaudia is also prescribed ‘ad Vesperas’ on ‘Vigilia Penthecostes’. ACS, sección III, libro 1, fol. 204r.

165 Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Infunde amorem cordibus’, p. 626. I disagree with Ros-Fábregas's most recent hypothesis regarding the dating and origin of E-TZ 2–3. He proposes that this book was divided into two some time before 1570 and that E-TZ 3 was copied in Tarazona, between 1570 and 1591, from the manuscript described as ‘Un libro de tablas, viejo, de misas de Peñalosa, que no sirve’ in the inventory published by Pedro Calahorra as ‘Inventario no 1’. The reasons for my disagreeing with this proposal are in part presented in this article and in part lie in further codicological and liturgical issues that fall beyond its scope but which I will elaborate elsewhere. P. Calahorra, ‘Los fondos musicales de la catedral de Tarazona’, Nassarre, 8 (1992), pp. 10–11, 37; Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música … (y III)’, pp. 34–5.

166 On book production at Seville Cathedral and the bibliography relating to this period, see M. Álvarez Márquez, ‘Los artesanos del libro en la catedral hispalense durante el siglo XV’, Archivo Hispalense, 215 (1987), pp. 3–36; Álvarez Márquez, El mundo del libro; M. Álvarez Márquez, El libro manuscrito en Sevilla (siglo XVI) (Seville, 2000); D. Angulo Iñiguez, ‘Libros corales de la catedral de Sevilla: Siglos XV y XVI’, in La catedral de Sevilla (Sevilla, 1991), pp. 513–27; R. Marchena Hidalgo, Las miniaturas de los libros de coro de la catedral de Sevilla: El siglo XVI (Seville, 1998); Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano.

167 ACS, AC 2; sección II, libros 249, 670, 1075, 1076, 1077, 1078, 1079; sección IV, libros 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13. Knighton, Música y músicos, pp. 105, 168–74, 194–5.

168 Cristóbal de Morales, ‘singer of the Duke of Medina Sidonia’, and inhabitant of the diocese of San Miguel (25 September 1503), served the first, second and third dukes, and was also ‘lent’ to Enrique IV, Alfonso de Trastámara and Isabel and Fernando over a period of more than forty years. Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Power and Musical Exchange’, pp. 404–5.

169 M. Ladero Quesada, Historia de Sevilla: La ciudad medieval (1248–1492), 3rd rev. edn (Seville, 1989), pp. 128–9.

170 T. Knighton, ‘Ribera [Ribeira] Antonio de’ in DMEH, ix (Madrid, 2002), pp. 170–1.

171 ACS, AC 5, fol. 43v; sección IV, libros 15, fol. 50r; 16, fol. 42r.

172 ACS, AC 5, fol. 90v; 6, fols. 21r, 115r. Alfonso de Sahagún and Antonio del Corral, both chaplains and singers in the Aragonese royal chapel, can be added to the list; they were appointed to canonries at the cathedral in 1488 and 1513 respectively, although Corral only took possession of his canonry in April 1515 (ACS, AC 4, fol. 137v; 8, fols. 92r, 94r–v, 114v).

173 Singers of Archbishop Diego de Deza included Alonso Gutiérrez Lozano, chaplain and singer (at least in the years 1513–17); Pedro Martínez (Martín) de Estabillo (Estauilo), chaplain and singer (at least 1510–17); Francisco de Ajofrín, singer (at least 1514–18; possibly the composer of Por serviros triste yo in the CMP) and Antonio de la Peña (at least 1514–17). Some of them, such as Lozano and Peña, ended up on the payroll of the cathedral. The Archbishop also had an organist who, in 1518, was Villalobos. ACS, AC 7, fols. 62v, 90v; 9, fol. 74v; 10, fols. 1r, 17r, 138v, 183r; sección IV, libros 30, fol. 4v; 33, fol. 8v.

174 In 1464, the Corpus procession clearly specified that, in addition to the instrumentalists playing on the ‘roca’ and the choirboys, payment was made to ‘the cathedral singers [among whom was La Torre] paid for by don Diego Fernández, for performing in the procession, and the other singers of our lord the Archbishop [Alonso de Fonseca] and of the Duke [of Medina Sidonia] who formed three groups in the procession, 700 maravedís’ (‘a los cantores de la yglesia por costa del prior don Diego Fernández, porque oficiaron la procesión e a los otros cantores de nuestro señor el Arçobispo e del señor Duque que yvan en tres cuadrillas en la procesión, seteçientos maravedís’) (ACS, sección IV, libro 10, fol. 26r).