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Guillaume Du Fay's benefices and his relationship to the court of Burgundy*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2008

Alejandro Enrique Planchart
Alejandro Enrique Planchart
Affiliation:
University of California at Santa Barbara
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Extract

In the years since Craig Wright published his study of Du Fay at Cambrai interest in the composer has grown apace. In his recent study of the composer David Fallows has given us a ‘rich harvest of “adjusted” information’ concerning Du Fay's life as well as valuable insights into the music. This study is a continuation of the process of adjusting details in our view of Du Fay's life and his work. It presents new documents and some hypotheses based upon them and upon consideration of the cultural and liturgical traditions that shaped Du Fay's life and his work. I shall start with what is perhaps the most tenuous of these hypotheses because it comes chronologically at the beginning: it concerns the matter of Du Fay's birth date.

Type
Research Article
Information
Early Music History , Volume 8 , October 1988 , pp. 117 - 171
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1988

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References

1 Wright, C., ‘Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Revisions’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 28 (1975), pp. 175–229CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Fallows, D., Dufay (London, 1982), 2nd edn with some additions (London, 1987), p. viiGoogle Scholar.

3 Dartus, E., ‘Guillaume Du Fay de Cambrai? “Un nouveau pas en avant”’, Mémoires de la Société d'Émulation de Cambrai, 96 (1982), pp. 278–89Google Scholar.

4 AN, 4G 1372, p. 64. Huberti was powerful and well connected. In 1394, a supplication of the King of Navarre to Benedict XIII describes him as a bachelor of law and a familiar of the late cardinal Peter of Luxembourg. Already he held prebends at St Mary in Antoing and Ste Waudru in Mons. In 1403 he petitioned Benedict XIII for a canonicate at Cambrai, and in 1405 for a prebend in St Peter in Lille (Briebglieb, P. and Laret-Kayser, A., eds., Suppliques de Benoît XIII (1394–1422), 2 vols., Documents Relatifs au Grand Schisme, 6, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica 27 (Brussels, 1973), i, nos. 404, 2533, 3433, 3447Google Scholar, and Page-Bourgeois, J., ed., Lettres de Benoît XIII (1394–1422,), 2 vols., Documents Relatifs au Grand Schisme, 4, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica 31 (Brussels, 1960–1983), i, no. 46Google Scholar). By the time of his death in 1424 he was doctor of laws, canon of Cambrai and Ste Waudru, provost of St Géry, chaplain to Albert of Bavaria in Mons, and had been judge in a number of suits involving benefices in Cambrai and Lille, including one between Nicolas Grenon and Jean Chuffard (ASV, RS 183, fols. 141r–141v).

5 ASV, RS 172, fol. 206r.

6 Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 203.

7 Legally, bastardy precluded admission to holy orders, but dispensations were almost routine in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; not only the pope but bishops could grant dispensations.

8 The earliest mention of this benefice is a letter of 14 April 1429 from Benedetto Guidalotti to the chapters of St Géry and Laon, confirming Du Fay's privilege of absence as a papal singer, AN, 7G 753, fol. 108v (summary), and ASV, DC 11, fols. 257v–258r (olim 243v–244r); Inventaire analytique des Diversa Cameralia des archives vaticanes (1389–1500) au point de vue des anciens diocèses de Cambrai. Liège, Thérouanne et Tournai (Rome, 1906), no. 253Google Scholar. On the Laon policy see Millet, H., Les chanoines du chapitre cathédral de Laon, 1272–1412, Collection de l'École Française de Rome 56 (Rome, 1982), pp. 47–9Google Scholar.

9 AN, 4G 1372, pp. 17 and 74. According to a note by the executors, Marie continued taking care of Jehanne after Huberti's death; cf. Dartus, ‘Du Fay’, p. 284; as for the term servante, Huberti refers also to Jehanne as famulam suam, even when setting a mass and an obit for her, AN 4G 6897, fol. 18v.

10 AN, 4G 6789 (Petits Vicaires), 10 June 1409 to 10 June 1410, fol. [3v]: undated payment for cloth for a robe for ‘Willemet’; fol. [4r]: ‘In xa ebdomana xiii vicariis, vi pueris, quia Willemet fuit receptus, ix choris. vii lb. xvii s. vii d.’ AN, 4G 7758 (Aumosne), 1409–10, fol. [8r]: payment to Johannes de Hesdin, ‘pro gubernatione cuiusdam Willermi antequam fuit receptus ad officium altaris’. On Hesdin, something of a shady character, see Dartus, ‘Du Fay’, pp. 279–80. A document that escaped Dartus and which indicates that Hesdin instructed other choirboys is AN, 4G 7758 (Aumosne), 1407, fol. [7r]: ‘Domino Johanne de Hesdin pro augmento expensis puerorum spacio vii septimanas. Ivis.’

11 AN, 4G 7758 (Aumosne), 1410–12, fol. [10v]; Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 177, gives a narrower dating, 1411–12.

12 AN, 4G 7759 (Aumosne), fol. [9r]: ‘Item pro gratia facta Willermo du Fayt clerico altaris per ordinatione capituli ad habendum litteras possessionis capellanie sue iii. francis valent lxxii s.’ From other contexts it is clear that this is a farewell present: Du Fay's chaplaincy was not in the cathedral; it is most probably the one at the altar of the salve at St Géry that he retained until he became a canon of Cambrai.

13 Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 21–7Google Scholar.

14 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 9Google Scholar; Fallows, D., ‘Dufay and Nouvion-le-Vineux: Some Details and a Thought’, Acta Musicologica, 48 (1976), pp. 44–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 AA, G 1850 ter. fols. 7r–7v: ‘Die vicesimaquinta mensis maii. per venerabiles et circumspectos viros dominos et magistros … in eorum capitulo. capitulum hic ordinatus fuit quod pueri choriales dicte ecclesie laudunensis qui per duos annos integros cum magistro Nicolao Grenon eorundem magistro per ipsum de omnibus instruendo regendo et gubernando eiusque quecumque necessaria … deinceps nec amplius cum eodem magistro suo non manebunt neque manem licent …’ The next entry, fol. 7v, records the appointment of Mathieu de Versigny as master of the choristers on 27 May.

16 AA, G 1850 ter, fol. 12r (20 January 1409/10): ‘Matheus Hanelle receptus ad canonicatum et prebendam Laudunensis quod fuit H. Monachi.’ Millet, , Les chanoines, p. 386Google Scholar, shows that Hanelle's prebend was contested by Nicolas de Bucy, using the composer Jean de Haucourt as his proctor. The process was stalemated, and on 6 April 1412 both were deposed and the prebend was given to Jehan de Pierres. Hanelle, however, obtained another prebend at Laon, since he is listed among those paying the decima after 1412.

17 Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 178, but cf. Fallows, , Dufay, p. 17Google Scholar, note 40, with a slight correction of Wright's text.

18 Cambrai, though an imperial city, was under the aegis of the Duke of Burgundy, whose half-brother was elected bishop in 1439. The city maintained a relatively neutral position in the schism created by the Council of Basel, just as Philip retained a cordial relationship with Duke Louis of Savoy, son of antipope Felix v, throughout this period. As late as 1443, Philip received Louis with elaborate festivities. See Toussaint, J., Les relations diplomatiques de Philippe le Bon avec le Concile de Bâle (1431–1449), Université de Louvain: Recueil de Travaux d'Histoire et de Philologie, 3rd ser., 9 (Louvain, 1942), pp. 177–9Google Scholar. Vaughan, R., Philip the Good: The Apogee of Burgundy (New York, 1970), p. 215Google Scholar.

19 van der Hardt, H., ed., Magnum et Decumenicum Constantiniense Consilium, 6 vols. (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1697–1700), i, pp. 418–19Google Scholar.

20 Delmaille, J., ‘Age’, Dictionnaire de droit canonique, ed. Naz, R., 6 vols. (Paris, 1935–1965), i, pp. 340–1Google Scholar.

21 This is, for example, the reason for our assumption that Obrecht was born in 1450. See Sparks, E., ‘Obrecht, Jacob’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1980), xiii, p. 477Google Scholar.

22 AN, 7G 753, capitular acts of St Géry. Only the salutation and the date of any of the letters are copied, but the headings provide some information. Folio 107v: ‘Copia principii et finis privilegii Guillermi du Fayd diaconi capellani capellanie du salve in hac ecclesie presentati in capitulo per Jo. Nicolay eiusdem procuratorem penultima maii in anno xxviio. Ludovicus miseratione divina etc … Signatum et datum Bononie in palatio nostre residentie die duodecimo mensis aprilis anno a nativitate domini Mo. quadrigentesimo vicesimo septimo.’ Folio 108r: ‘Copia principii et finis privilegii domini Guillermi du Fay presbiteri capellani capellanie du salve ad altare sancti Gaugerici in hac ecclesia fundate. Presentati in capitulo per venerabilem virum magistrum Nicolaum Grenon canonicum Cameracensis. Anno domini Mo. CCCCo. mensis maii die xix. Ludovicus Alamandi miseratione divina etc… Datum Bononie in palatio nostre residentie die vicesimaquarta mensis martii anno a nativitate domini millio quadragesimo viceoctavo.’ Similar privileges for Du Fay from Rome for 1429, 1430 and 1433 appear also in fols. 109r–109v.

23 Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 175, citing the execution of Du Fay's will (AN, 4G 1313, p. 29). The obit itself appears in CBM, B39, fol. 56v: ‘Die quinta Augusti, in quaquidem solemnitas agitur sancte Marie ad Nives, fiet de eadem beata Maria missa Celebris pro Magistro Guillermo Du Fay, canonico sacerdote, quamdiu vivet, et post decessum eius obitus de xii. 1b turonensium, distribuendis prout in missa domini decani continetur.’ The distribution of the monies is entered in CBM, B39, fol. 31v, with indication of two parcels of land that are to provide the rents: ‘adquisivit et dedit ecclesie idem Du Fay xvi lb. apud Berselle et xv 1b. t. apud Wodeque’. The entry in fol. 56v is cancelled because the rents, as indicated in fol. 31v, had increased by the time of Du Fay's death. To the simpler obit were added the more elaborate provisions in Du Fay's will (Houdoy, , Histoire, pp. 412–13Google Scholar). I am indebted to Reinhard Strohm for calling CBM, B 39, to my attention.

24 On the existence of the Office for the Dead, see Prizer, W. F., ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries: Philip the Fair and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Early Music History, 5 (1985). pp. 133–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The date of Du Fay's Requiem is based upon the entry for the copying of the work in 1470, which refers to it as de novo compilata, see Houdoy, J., Histoire artistique de la cathédrale de Cambrai (Paris, 1880), p. 194Google Scholar. The date of the obit is based upon an entry in AN, 4G 2588, fol. [3v], a seventeenth-century copy of the collection of the rents at Bersele in 1470, which already mentions the obit. I am indebted to Barbara Haggh for references to this last document.

25 Pope Martin v, Du Fay's first papal patron, is buried in Santa Maria, but this hardly constitutes a compelling connection. More suggestive, however, is that, as Reinhard Strohm has pointed out to me in a private communication, Florence's Santa Maria del Fiore is a daughter foundation of Santa Maria Maggiore. Still, the connection between Du Fay and this feast would appear, prima facie, very weak.

26 Lefevre, P. F., Les ordinaires des collégiales Saint-Pierre à Louvain et Saints-Pierre-et-Paul à Anderlecht d'après des manuscrits du XIVe siècle (Louvain, 1960), p. xviGoogle Scholar, note 1. Lefevre's startling discovery was apparently unknown to music scholars until 1985. Barbara Haggh has followed through his reference and discovered a considerable number of documents that attest to the date of the institution, the composition, and the spread of the feast during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. She is preparing a detailed edition and commentary of the liturgy and a study of its origin.

27 I am indebted to Barbara Haggh, who is preparing a study of fifteenth-century obits, for this information.

28 Note that the date usually given for Du Fay ceasing to be a chorister, 1413–14, when he was a clericus altaris, is conjectural. The one thing we know is that at the time he no longer was a choirboy, but we do not know when he stopped being one, which could have been as early as 1412.

29 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Canonici misc. 213.

30 ASV, RS 168, fols. 169r–169v. Though itself undated, it is chained to other documents from early June 1423, and dated by the scribe on fol. 170r.

31 ‘Item quatenus dilecto suo Arnoldo de Lantins clerico Leodiensis similem gratiam facientes de canonicatu sub expectatione prebendam cuiusvis ecclesie collegiate civitatis et diocesis Leodiensis necnon de beneficio ecclesiastico cum curis vel sine curis … ad duas collationes et duo beneficia. Item quatenus dilecto suo Hugoni de Lantinis clerico predicte diocesis similem gratiam facientes de simili beneficio ut in precedente supplicatione latius continetur … similiter ad duas collationes et duo beneficia. Item quatenus dilecto suo Johanni Humblot clerico leodiensis similem gratiam facientes ut in proxima supplicatione latius continetur.’ Expectatives for a fourth Liège clerk, Egidius Bysenhay, and for Desiderius Thiricti (Didier Thierry), clerk of Toul, who obtained previous benefices irregularly on account of his age (twenty) in 1417, follow.

32 Pirrotta, N., ‘On Text Forms from Ciconia to Dufay’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: A Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. LaRue, J. (New York, 1966), pp. 677–8Google Scholar. On the different members of the Malatesta family with identical names, see Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 252–3Google Scholar.

33 ASV, RS 278, fols. 31r–31v: ‘Supplicat s.v. devotus vester Guillermus Modiatoris alias de Malebecque clericus Cameracensis diocesis familiaris continuus comensalis ac cantor et capellanus capelle e.v.s. quatenus sibi specialem gratiam facientes de parochiali ecclesia de Fermes Leodiensis diocesis vacantibus per obitum quondam Arnoldi de Lantinis e.v.s. familiaris et cantoris ac tenoriste capelle v.s. in Romana curia defuncti.’

34 Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 26–7Google Scholar.

35 ASV, RS 147, fols. 105v–106r.

36 Baix, F., La chambre apostolique et les ‘Libri annatarum’ de Martin V (1417–1431), 2 vols., Analecta Vaticano-Belgica 14 (Brussels, 1957–1960), i, p. cccxxxviGoogle Scholar. Baix's later dates for Auclou are not correct, however.

37 Pérouse, G., Le cardinal Louis Aleman, président du Concile de Bâle, et la fin du grand Schisme (Paris, 1904), pp. 58–9Google Scholar.

38 AD, G 178, fol. 232r: ‘Privilegia presentata in capitulo generali tento in Bisuntio die quarta mensis maii anno domini M° CCCC° XXV°… -magister Robertus Aclou studens Parisis prout testificat rector universitatis Parisis … [232v] Privilegia presentata in capitulo generali tento in Bisuntio die quarta maii anno domini M° CCCC xxvi. –dominus Aussolinus per litteris familiaris [sic] domini Ludovici vicecamerarii domini nostri pape … -magister Robertus Aclou [sic] per litteris familiaris dicti domini vicecamerarii.’ The Lord Louis vice chamberlain of the pope is Aleman, who still held that title.

39 ASB, Reg. 83, fol. 334v: ‘Domino Roberto Auclou et domino Johanni de Anania pro negotiis domini nostri pape ac gubernationem Bononiae concernentibus ad civitates Ferrarie et Venetiarum transmissis pro eorum expensis libras sexagintaduas Bononiae de quibus rationem reddere tenebant dicta die xxxi maii solutis eis per dominum Antonium de Albertis nomine testante in zornalis fol. 122. l br ––– lx ––– ii s. –––. d.’ Duplicate entries in Reg. 80, fol. 122r; Reg. 83, fol. 195r.

40 ASV, RS 196, fol. 31v.

41 Auclou had travelled to Ferrara (twice), Venice (three times), Rome, Forli and Imola by July of 1426. ASB, Reg. 82, fols. 124r, 334v, 335v and 338r.

42 Pérouse, , Aleman, pp. 56–7Google Scholar. See also Partner, P., The Papal State under Martin v (London, 1958), pp. 89–90Google Scholar.

43 Pérouse, , Aleman, p. 56Google Scholar.

44 The following singers of Carrillo's chapel are mentioned in his supplications to Martin v: ASV, RS 145, fols. 259v–260r, Bernardus Guillermus de Anglata; RS 157, fols. 269r–269v, 271v–272r, Johannes de Turre (earlier and later a Burgundian chaplain), Philippus de Folia (later papal singer and eventually a Burgundian chaplain), Petrus Lesmies; RS 161, fols. 35v–36r, Johannes Carnin (later a papal singer); RS 162, fols. 54r–54v: Petrus Oleary; RS 164, fols. 29v–30r, 55r–56r, Bernardus Guillermus [de Anglata] [tenorista]; RS 166, fols. 143r–143v, Bernardus Guillermus de Anglata, tenorista; RS 171, fol. 232v, Martinus Gundisalvus de Leorna; RS 201, fols. 83r–83v, Johannes Consoul.

45 ASB, 82, fol. 329: ‘Domino Egidio alias Lenfant dicta die libras quadraginta Bononiae pro expensis de ipsius et septem iuvenium cantorium computato eorum magistro quos de partibus Francie conduxit ad dominum nostrum papam et pro conducta rerum suarum et aliis expensis tam hic factis quatuor diebus quam sui itineris usque Romam quia non habebant pecuniam pro ipsis et equis eorum.’ Parallel entries in ASB 80, fols. 70r and 83, fol. 155v. Gilles had left Rome in December 1424 (ASV, IE 382, fol. 170v), and returned together with Grenon in June 1425, when for the first time mention of the ‘cantores parvi’ appears in the Vatican registers (ASV, IE 383, fol. 44v). The idea that it was Grenon who brought the choirboys to the papal chapel, which survives in Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 31–2Google Scholar, is based on Pirro, A., Histoire de la musique de la fin du XVIe siècle à la fin du XVIe (Paris, 1940), p. 73Google Scholar, but it is the result of Pirro's misreading of Pérouse, , Aleman, p. 73Google Scholar, in the light of Haberl, F. X., Bausteine für Musikgeschichte, i: Wilhelm Du Fay (Leipzig, 1885), p. 59Google Scholar. Grenon, however, was the magister puerorum of the papal chapel. In the event, only four of the choirboys reached Rome in 1425: Johannes Rongh, Stephanus Heldedroncque, Johannes Wyet and Bartholomaeus Poignare, cf. ASV, IE 383, fol. 44v.

46 ‘Tosano magistro puerorum capelle serenissimi domini nostri pape pro expensis hic usque Romam necne sibi et duobus pueris accedentibus cum eo pro servitio dicte capelle quos ipsi conduxit de partis Francie et hic sibi percurrit datas M. Robert Auclou die 20 februarii. lbr – lx. – ii s. – id.’ ASB, Reg. 83, fol. 242v. The two choirboys were Guibertus Nettelet and Petrus Chareton, see ASV, IE 385, fol. 116r.

47 AST2, Reg. 73. fol. 149r (29 May 1427); ‘Item duobus magistris leuti eiusdem civitatis magisterii —— ii ducat.’

48 Planchart, A., ‘Guillaume Dufay's Masses: A View of the Manuscript Traditions’, Papers Read at the Dufay Quincentenary Conference, ed. Atlas, A. W. (Brooklyn, 1976), pp. 26–33Google Scholar.

49 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 30Google Scholar.

50 Bologna, Museo Civico Medievale, MS 598, fols. 166r–166v.

51 ASB, Reg. 82, fol. 329r.

52 Pérouse, , Aleman, pp. 73–5Google Scholar. The chapel still exists but is closed to the public; admission by permission is not difficult.

53 Pérouse, , Aleman, pp. 79–82Google Scholar. It was at this time that the archives were burned, cf. p. 81; Partner, , Papal State, p. 90Google Scholar, citing further sources.

54 ASR, Reg. 1752, fol. 114v, and ASV, IE 387, fol. 83v.

55 AN, 7G 753, fol. 108v (summary); ASV, DC 11, fols. 257v–258r (full text). Berlière, Diversa Cameralia, no. 253. The conflict between the date implied in the letter and the paymet records has not been satisfactorily explained. It may be that Du Fay was for a few months a probationary or ‘unofficial’ singer in the chapel and thus unpaid. The presence of such singers is hinted at by an entry in December 1421, ASV, IE 379, fol. 175r: ‘Item Guillermo Martini pro expensis per eum factis certis diebus quibus sub spe stetit in Romanam curiam ut existet cantor in capella apostolica. fl. ii.’

56 AN, 7G 753. fob. 107v–109r.

57 ASV, RS 256, fols. 202v–203r, dated 18 September 1430.

58 The volume of the supplications containing this rotulus is now lost, but the original is preserved – a rare case – in BAV, CS 703.1. It is printed in Haberl, , Bausteine, i, pp. 115–18Google Scholar, but its survival outside the registers of supplications has misled a number of scholars into regarding it as a papal bull. It should be emphasised that this is a document originating with the petitioners, and that the granting of benefices on this scale was a traditional practice of a new pope: one should not read any special act of artistic patronage into this supplication.

59 Later documents indicate that these were canonicates at the cathedral of Tournai and at St Donatian in Bruges, ASV, RS 287, fol. lv: ‘uno Tornacensis ct alio sancti Donatiani Brugensis Tornacensis diocesis ecclesiarum canonicatibus’.

60 ASV, RS 256. fols. 202v–203r; RS 287, fol. lv; RS 297, fols. 88r–88v; RS 312, fols. 173r–173v; RS318, fol. 279r.

61 ASV, RL 303, fols. 19v–20v, letter dated 6 October 1431 but giving the earlier date as that of the grant. ASV, LA 6, fol. 743r, payment of the annata. See Baix. ‘Carrière’, pp. 268–9.

62 ASR, Reg. 827, fol. 157r.

63 AST 2, Reg. 79, fol. 464r. Register 79 in AST 2 presents a particular bibliographic problem. There are two registers with this number plus a third one with the number 79bis. Register 79bis has nothing relevant to the present work, but the other two do have entries concerning Du Fay. I shall distinguish them as Register 79, a large folio manuscript (49 × 30 cm) at present unrestored, and Register 79[A], a smaller manuscript (30 × 15 cm) restored and rebound.

64 Wright, ‘Dufay’, pp. 179–80.

65 The earliest mention of Du Fay as curate of St Loup of Versoix known heretofore was in a payment of a gift made to him by Louis of Savoy on 12 August 1434, AST2, Reg. 79, fol. 448v, but in fact Du Fay had this benefice by 29 July of that year, see ASV, RS 297, fols. 88r–88v.

66 ASV, RS 303, fols. 90r–91r. For several years after his final leave of the papal chapel, Du Fay would describe himself in official letters to the Roman court as a papal singer.

67 ASV, RS 315, fols. 110r–110v: ‘statutis dicte ecclesie quibus canonicus dicitur quod nullius [debi: superscript insertion] in canonicatum recepitur aut in fructum nec prebendam ni eadem assequi valeat nisi nobilis seu graduatus existat ipseque Guillermus nobilis seu graduatus non est’. In RS 317, fol. 212r, and RS 318, fols. 182v–183r, Du Fay himself seeks the necessary dispensations.

68 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS mus 3224. fol. 105v, ‘Decretalis Guillermus Du Fay’.

69 AN, 4G 1086, no. 375, where the title bacallarius in decretis is added below Du Fay's name in a different hand.

70 Devillers, , Chartes, iii, p. 231Google Scholar, ‘Acte de la réception de maitre Guillaume du Fayt, bachelier en droit canonique’.

71 ASV, RL 483, fols. 295r–296v, ‘Nicolaus etc., Dilecto filio Guillermo du Fay Canonico Cameracensis Bacallario in decretis salutem etc.… ’.

72 See Rashdall, H., The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Powicke, F. M. and Emden, A. B., 3 vols. (Oxford, 1956), ii, p. 30Google Scholar. Rashdall indicates that such degrees would normally be from the Rome studium, but apparently the pope could grant them through other universities as well. For example, Margaret, the Dowager Queen of Aragon in 1421, more direct than Amadeus in requesting such a degree for a chaplain, petitioned Martin v about one Vincent Fusterius, who had done some university studies in Toulouse but could not afford the expense of the graduating ceremonies and thus had not obtained his degree. The queen requested that the pope grant him an M.A. from the university in Lérida. ASV, RS 153, fols. 10v–11r.

73 AST 2, Reg. 79, fols. 391r–391v: grant of the leave by Amadeus, dated 8 August 1434; AN, 4G 7434, fol. 7r: receives bread at Cambrai on 14 October 1434; AST 2, Reg. 80, fol. 161v: receives court livery in Savoy on 18 April 1435; ASR, Reg. 828, fol. 41v: his name reappears in the cameral mandates as a papal singer on 10 June 1435. A further document showing Du Fay receiving wine at Cambrai on 15 October 1434, cited in Dartus, ‘Du Fay’, p. 281, gives an incorrect reference, AN, 4G 5099 (Grand Métier), 1464–5; the document in question is AN, 4G 5069 (Grand Métier), 1434–5, fol. [12r].

74 In addition to the known gift of 10 florins from Louis recorded in AST 2, Reg. 79, fol. 440v in connection with his travel to Cambrai, there is another such gift in Reg. 79[A], fol. 35v, paid on 4 June 1434, though the entry does not give the reasons but simply states: ‘causis et rationibus descriptis in lictera missoria dicti domini nostri principis et confessione ipsius domini Guillermi annexis littere prefati domini nostri principis de mandato allocandi date sigillate et signate ut supra quas fuerunt annexas. Reddit x flor pp.’.

75 ASV, RL 343, fols. 76r–77v (letter to Cambrai's chapter), RL 338, fols. 245v–246r (letter of confirmation), cited in Baix, F., ‘La carrière “bénéficiale” de Guillaume Dufay (vers 1398–1474): Notes et documents’, Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome, 8 (1928), p. 271Google Scholar, and Dubrulle, H., Les bénéfuciers des diocèses d'Arras, Cambrai. Thérouanne, Tournai sous le pontifical d'Eugène IV (Louvain, 1908), no. 96Google Scholar.

76 ASV, RS 326, fols. 212v–213r: ‘Motu proprio dilecto filio Guillermo du Fay Capellano et Cantori Capella nostra ac familiari nostro continuo commensali canonicatum et prebendam ecclesie Cameracensis quorum fructum etc. quadraginta librarum turonensium communi extimationem valorem annuum non excedunt per liberam resignationem dilecti filii Johannis Viviani in manibus nostris sponte factam … conferimus et de illis providemus cum clausulis opportunis. Concessum motu proprio in presentia domini nostri pape. C. Ariminensis. Datum Bononie tertio nonas Septembris Anno sexto.’

77 ‘C. Ariminensis’ was, after 21 November 1435, the signature of Cristoforo di San Marcello di Vicenza, elect of Cervia from 1431, Bishop of Rimini from 1435, and Bishop of Siena from 1444, papal referendary under Eugenius iv. See Katterbach, B., Referendarii utriusque signaturae, Studi e Testi 55 (Vatican City, 1931), pp. xiii–xiv and 16Google Scholar.

78 ASV, RS 326, fols. 289v–290r.

79 See note 59 above.

80 ASV, RS 326, 234v.

81 AB, Reeks A 50, fol. 201r. The chapter had received the papal letters on 3 September 1431. The entry in the chapter acts indicates that one of the unspecified prebends of the supplication of 24 April 1431 had become an expectative at St Donatian in a now lost document dated 12 June 1431.

82 AB, Reeks A 50, fol. 262v: ‘24. Anno domini Mccccxxxviii° die xxviii Aprilis Receptus fuit dominus Guillermus Du Fay per procuratorem ad possessionem prebenda huius ecclesie vacante per obitum quondam magister Guillermo Maioris in partibus defuncti et vacat secundo loco.’ Folio 253r in the same register has the minutes of the chapter's deliberation. AB, Reeks G6, fol. 7r, records Du Fay's payment of the tax on new benefices, of £10.

83 AB, Reeks A 50, fol. 256v.

84 AB, Reeks G 65, 1441/2, 1442/3, 1443/4. These are given each time as tables, running from July to June: ‘Tabula dietarum dominorum eiusdem anni’, indicating under each month the number of days that the person was in the choir. Strohm, R., Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985), pp. 24–5Google Scholar, gives an accurate overview of Du Fay's troubles with St Donatian, though his statement that Du Fay was in Bruges in 1446 (note 50) is incorrect; the chapter acts specifically state he was absent and his name was affixed to a document being voted on by a proctor. AB, Reeks A51, fols. 169v–170r.

85 The reduction is indicated, without date, on AB, Reeks A 50, fols. lr–1v.

86 AB, Reeks A 51, fols. 8v and 22v.

87 AB, Reeks A51, fol. 26r.

88 AB, Reeks A51, fol. 38r.

89 The capitular acts at Cambrai for 1439 to 1442, the surest index of residence, are lost, but from other accounts we have enough testimony of Du Fay's residence at Cambrai during this period. See Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 182.

90 AB, Reeks A 51, fols. 38v–39r. The agreement (or agreements) between the duke and St Donatian is not preserved to my knowledge, but its nature is revealed in a similar petition presented on 8 June 1440 on behalf of Étienne de Petault, AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 36r. where the duke attests that Petault ‘erat familiarius suus et capellanus capelle sue ct unus de nunc xxxa personarum quibus indultus erat percipere fructus suorum beneficiorum’.

91 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 46r.

92 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 48r: ‘si ipse Du Fay decenter tempore et loco debito se fecisse residens in loco privilegiato aut se [sic] quod ad huiusmodi fructus privilegiatum fore, domini fateretur debitum eorum, alio quam necessarie habebant servire legem foraneitatis’.

93 AB, Reeks G 65, 1440/1.

94 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 76r; this is a payment for 1441.

95 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 82r. It is worth noting that the Bishop of Cambrai apparently also had the right to request such privileges, for on 11 February 1440/1 Auclou presented such a letter of privilege, which was accepted without question (fol. 52v). The entries on Du Fay do have a tone of animosity that I found in no other instance in the chapter acts. This may have been the result of the patently deceptive first letter of privilege presented by Du Fay.

96 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 95r.

97 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 110r.

98 AB, Reeks A51, fol. 168v.

99 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 142v.

100 AB, Reeks A51, fol. 143r.

101 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 176r.

102 AN, 4G 1086, no. 375. Sec Wright, ‘Dufay’, pp. 226–7.

103 Strohm, , Bruges, p. 25Google Scholar.

104 AN, 4G 1086, no. 336, a permutation initiated by Johannes de Segny (4 August 1445), has eight proctors, including the archdeacon of Tournai, Nicaise du Puis, Binchois and Johannes du Passage. No. 342, a permutation initiated by Guillaume Tourpin (9 May 1446), shows seven proctors.

105 AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 182r.

106 Nicolas Boidin, another Burgundian chaplain, was received as Du Puis's successor on 15 June 1447 (AB, Reeks A 51, fol. 375r).

107 Wright, ‘Dufay’, pp. 185–6; also Fallows, , Dufay, p. 220Google Scholar. The original document, summarised in Devillers, , Chartes, iii, p. 231Google Scholar, was destroyed in 1940. A partial copy by Mme Jeanne Tutsage survives in MAE 77, fol. 59r. Du Fay took the place of Mathieu de Bracle, almoner of the Duke of Burgundy, who had the prebend but was waiting to exchange it and had not taken possession. Although Nicaise du Puis had been given a prebend at Ste Waudru by Philip the Good on 24 December 1444, and had been received by procuration on 15 January 1445 (Devillers, , Chartes, iii, p. 226Google Scholar), Bracle could nonetheless have exchanged his prebend for one of Nicaise du Puis, who in turn would have exchanged Bracle's prebend with Du Fay. I am indebted to Barbara Haggh for bringing the Mons documents to my attention.

108 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 221Google Scholar. following Devillers, reports visits in February 1448 and March 1449. Payment to the messenger who was sent to Du Fay is recorded in MAE 77, fols. 59v–60r.

109 ASV, RS 377, fol. 79r. Du Fay had sought the licence to resign or permute two benefices in 1438 (ASV. RS 342. fols. 289r–289v): the present supplication expands that licence to three. On 26 February 1443 Pierre Philipron obliged himself to pay the annate on this licence (ASV. LA8. fol. 288v).

110 AST 1, Bollario di Felice v, iv, fols. 259v–260r, giving Étienne Seglier the church at Versoix; fols. 260r–260v, giving Guillaume Hugo the canonicate in Lausanne (both dated 4 November 1443). and fols. 265v–268r, granting Jean Ligier the prebend in Geneva, which was still under litigation between Jean de Fruyn and Du Fay (dated 4 February 1442). A confusion ensued, and on fols. 298v–299r there is a further letter assigning two canons of Geneva to judge the suit, this time supposedly between Ligier and Du Fay.

111 ASV, RS 374, fols. 119r–120r: ‘Dignetur s.v. devoto vestro Guillermo du Fay canonico Cameracensis et s.v. cantori et capellano ut horas canonicas ad usum Romane curie dicere valeat … Concessum in forma in presentia domini nostri pape. C. Ariminensis. Datum Florencie Quintodecimo Kalendis Julii anno Undecimo.’ In this petition, as in the one seeking the licence to resign his benefices, Du Fay still refers to himself as a chaplain and singer to the pope. No other former chaplain seems to have done so in the hundreds of supplications I have examined; thus I see this again as a deliberate effort on Du Fay's part to cover up his Savoyard sympathies.

112 AST 1, Protocolli ducali 76, fol. 203v, edited in Bouquet, M. T., ‘La cappella musicale dei duchi di Savoia dal 1450 al 1500’, Rivista Italiana di Musicologia, 3 (1968), p. 238Google Scholar.

113 AS 3605, unnumbered separate sheet, ed. in Bouquet, ‘La cappella’, p. 239, facsimile in Fallows, , Dufay, ill. 19Google Scholar. Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 69 and 224Google Scholar, note 52, following di Pamparato, S. Cordero, ‘Guglielmo Dufay alla corte di Savoia’, Santa Cecilia – Torino, 17/3, no. 273 (1925), p. 35Google Scholar, reports a third entry referring to Du Fay as master of the chapel in AST 2, Reg. 104, fol. 281 [recte 281v], but the entry gives his name without any such qualification.

114 Fallows, , Dufay. p. 71Google Scholar.

115 ASV, RL 483, fols. 295r–295v. I am indebted to Pamela Starr who discovered this document and has allowed me to use it.

116 Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 81–2Google Scholar.

117 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 189Google Scholar.

118 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 63Google Scholar, nn. 14 and 15.

119 Besseler, H., ed., Guglielmi Dufay opera omnia, 6 vols., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 1 (Rome, 1949–1966), iii, no. 10, and v, no. 51Google Scholar.

120 Nitschke, W., Studien zu den Cantus-Firmus-Messen Guillaume Dufays, 2 vols., Berliner Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 13 (Berlin, 1968), ii, tables 6–7Google Scholar.

121 Nitschke, , Studien, ii, table 7Google Scholar.

122 AN, 4G 4670, fol. 22r, 4G 4672, fol. 23v, also Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 226.

123 CBM A60 (61), 11th-century Gradual; A 78 (79), 13th-century troper.

124 The terminus ante quem non can be extremely precise because the manuscript has the feast of the Recollectio omnium festorum beatae Mariae Virginis copied by the main scribe. Barbara Haggh has shown that the plainsongs for this feast were composed by Du Fay while still in Savoy, and that feast was first celebrated in Cambrai on the fourth Sunday in August of 1458.

125 AN, 4G 4656, fol. 30r, published in Wright, ‘Dufay’, pp. 225–6.

126 The cycles in Trent 88 have been published in a quasi diplomatic edition in Feininger, L., Monumenta polyphoniae liturgicae sanctae ecclesiae Romanae, ser. 2, no. 1 (Rome, 1947)Google Scholar.

127 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 189Google Scholar.

128 CBM 1059, fol. 21v. Printed in Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 224.

129 Feininger, , Monumenta, pp. i–viiiGoogle Scholar.

130 On the cycle for St Anthony of Padua, see Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 182–9Google Scholar. On the cycle for the Holy Ghost and the introit Os iusti (in the St Francis mass), see Planchart, A. E., ‘Guillaume Dufay's Masses: Notes and Revisions’, The Musical Quarterly, 18 (1972), pp. 14–19Google Scholar.

131 Feininger, Monumenta, no. 12. In the table I give the cycle as published by Feininger as my point of departure.

132 Trent 88, fols. 187v-188r. The rubric for the St Francis gradual, fol. 192r, reads: Graduate Os iusti queras [anted, crossed out] in missa sancti Anthonii de Padua.

133 Planchart, ‘Notes and Revisions’, pp. 18–19.

134 Houdoy, , Histoire, p. 411Google Scholar. Du Fay's will simply mentions the mass. In the probate, however, the executors noted ‘i livre en grant volume en parchemin contenant les messes de St Anthoine de Padue avec plusieurs aultres anthiennes en noire note’, see Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 214, figure 7 (facsimile), p. 228 (transcription). On the vespers, see A. Planchart, ‘Manuscript Traditions’, pp. 33–7.

135 Trent 88, fols. 176v-182r. Feininger, Monumenta, no. 10.

136 The mass is lacking the Kyrie and the communion. The introit is headed by the rubric ‘introitus misse beati anthonii’.

137 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 192, and p. 310Google Scholar.

138 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, p. 133.

139 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 192Google Scholar.

140 On the dating of this manuscript, see n. 111 above.

141 Trent 88, fols. 113v-121r. Feininger, Monumenta, no. 1.

142 The votive mass, a mass ‘for a purpose’ (ex voto), goes back to the early Middle Ages. The first use of the term missa votiva appears in Letter 3 of Eugenius of Toledo (d. 657) (Migne, J. P., ed., Patrologia latina, 87, p. 412Google Scholar), and the earliest sacramentaries show large appendices of such masses. The best-known group of these masses, which includes notjust the priest's prayers but the sung propers as well, seems to be the work of Alcuin. It included masses for the Holy Ghost, the Cross, the Angels, the Trinity and the Virgin (Migne, J.P., ed., Patrologia latina, 101, pp. 445–61Google Scholar), which became essentially a ‘standard set’ in the later Middle Ages. See Ellard, G., Master Alcuin, Liturgist (Chicago, 1956), pp. 144–73Google Scholar.

143 Graduale sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae de tempore et de sanctis (Tournai, 1980), pp. [72]–[75]Google Scholar.

144 CBM A 60 (61), fol. 84v.

145 Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 66–7Google Scholar.

146 Marix, J., Histoire de la musique et des musiciens de la cour de Bourgogne sous le règne de Philippe le Bon (Strasbourg, 1939), p. 33Google Scholar.

147 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, p. 116.

148 Feininger, , Monumenta, p. 108Google Scholar.

149 The trope texts appear in Blume, C. and Dreves, G. M., eds., Analecta hymnica medii aevi 49 (Leipzig, 1906), pp. 136–7Google Scholar. The south French and central French liturgical traditions extend to both Burgundy and Savoy.

150 Not rubricated for the season, but clearly the mass said between Trinity Sunday and Advent.

151 Incipit only, as an alternative to the following alleluia, usually part of an older use on its way out.

152 In mensural notation, with O3 signature and a regular alternation of breves and semibreves.

153 CBM B 184, fols. 249r and 260v. This manuscript is a very carefully copied and fussy source, with extended and complete rubrication.

154 This is built on a contrafact of the alleluia Dulces clavos, for the Holy Cross. The use of these contrafact alleluias was limited almost exclusively to votive masses.

155 The liturgical ascriptions of the cycles in the manuscript are reported by the editors of the inventory of Trent 88 in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Jg. vii, 14–15 (Vienna, 1900), pp. 39–41, but are passed over in complete silence by Feininger. Most of these are now so faint as to be invisible in films, photographs or facsimiles. I am most grateful to Adelyn Peck, who checked for me each inscription with great care while she was in Trent.

156 Cf. above, p. 114, the discussion of the masses for St Anthony of Padua and St Francis, where of two such cross-references one survived in Trent 88 and the other was lost.

157 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, pp. 115–16. In 1451 the meetings were moved to May on account of the bad weather in late November.

158 Prizer, W., ‘The Order of the Golden Fleece and Music’, paper read at the meeting of the American Musicological Society,Vancouver,1985.Google Scholar Further connections with the order have been provided by the number symbolism discovered in the works by Taruskin, Richard, ‘Antoine Busnoys and the L'homme armé Tradition’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 39 (1986), pp. 272 and 275–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In a polemic between Taruskin and Fallows concerning the possibility of Busnois being the composer of the anonymous L'homme armé masses, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 40 (1987), pp. 147 and 153Google Scholar, both authors take the position that the relative simplicity of the anonymous works in comparison with the complexities of the Missa L'homme armé securely ascribed to Busnois implies a temporal relationship, where simpler means earlier. In this case it should be noted that the relative simplicity of the anonymous masses is more probably due to their liturgical function. They, unlike virtually all other cantus firmus masses of this period, are not festal works, but votive masses to be sung, week after week, and year after year. In this respect they have no counterparts until the much simpler missae dominicales of a later generation. Stylistically these masses must date from after Charles the Bold's accession as Duke of Burgundy, at which time he may have sought to replace Du Fay's older polyphonic propers with something more up to date. Similarly, Taruskin's claim that Busnois may have been the inventor of the mensuration sign O2 (op. cit., p. 256) is surely incorrect. Busnois makes extensive and very sophisticated use ot it, but he must have encountered the sign in Du Fay's proper cycles for the Order of the Golden Fleece, where it is also used extensively.

159 Taruskin, ‘Antoine Busnoys’, pp. 276–9.

160 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, p. 133.

161 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, p. 118.

162 MAE, MS 71, Archives du Chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, Extraits des comptes par Madame Georges Heupgen, fol. 1r. I am indebted to Barbara Haggh for references to this source.

163 MAE 71, fol. 2v.

164 Trinity Sunday, Pentecost, St Michael and the Finding of the Cross.

165 One should remember that no book from outside the Ste Chapelle, even if following the use of Dijon, would have a votive mass for St Andrew.

166 Feininger, , Monumenta, pp. 19–20Google Scholar.

167 Montpellier, Faculté de Médecine, MS H 159; edn in Paléographie Musicale 8 (Solesmes, 1905), also Hansen, F. E., ed., H159 Montpellier: Tonary of St Benigne of Dijon (Copenhagen, 1974), pp. 261–2Google Scholar.

168 It is true that the offertory does not appear in the Dijon votive mass in PaN, lat. 879, but as I have indicated, that mass needs to be supplemented. Felix namque was used in Dijon, as elsewhere, as the offertory for the feast of the nativity of the Virgin, and formed part of one of the votive masses of the Virgin everywhere in Europe.

169 The two settings in Trent 88 belong to the main tradition of votive masses for the Virgin, but at this stage I cannot associate either one of them with Du Fay.

170 See Vaughan, . Philip the Good, p. 212Google Scholar.

171 Trent 88, fols. 64v–65r and 156v-157r. Feininger, . Monumenta, pp. 88–9 and 199–200Google Scholar.

172 The best description I know of this is Jackman, J.L., ‘Liturgical Aspects of Byrd's Gradualia’, The Musical Quarterly, 49 (1963), pp. 17–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the careful and extended treatment of the same subject in Kerman, J., The Masses and Motets of William Byrd, The Music of William Byrd, i (London and Berkeley, 1981), pp. 216–340Google Scholar.

173 CBM, 1059, fol. 27v. Wright, ‘Dufay’, p. 224, Document 8.

174 Strohm, R.. ‘Quellenkritische Untersuchungen an der Missa “Caput”’, Quellenstudien zur Musik der Renaissance, II: Datierung und Filiation von Musikhandschriften der Josquin-Zeit, ed. Finscher, L., Wolfcnbiütteler Forschungen 26 (Wiesbaden, 1982), pp. 153–76Google Scholar.

175 Planchart, ‘Notes and Revisions’, pp. 11–12.

176 Movements from Caput appear in Trent 93, a manuscript that is now dated well before 1460, and the activity of Wiser suggests that even Trent 88 was finished around 1460 at the latest. See Saunders, S. E., ‘The Dating of Trent 93 and Trent 90’, I Codici musicali trentini a cento anni dalta loro riscoperta, ed. Pirrotta, N. and Curti, D. (Trent, 1986), pp. 60–83Google Scholar.

177 Bent, M., ed., Fifteenth-Century Liturgical Music, II: Four Anonymous Masses, Early English Church Music 22 (London, 1979), pp. 170–1, 185Google Scholar.

178 Strohm's stemma, in ‘Quellenkritische Untersuchungen’, p. 168, already allows for movements of the Caput mass to have reached Trent before 1463. It may well be that the tradition associating the mass with Du Fay arrived in Trent much later and as an ‘independent’ tradition, not as part of a manuscript copy of the work.

179 Although I have withdrawn my original dating of this mass, for the hastily arranged wedding of Carlotta of Savoy to Louis the Dauphin in 1451, there can be no doubt that it was written for a dynastic marriage in Savoy. In dynastic terms the most important event at Savoy in the 1450s was the consummation of the marriage of the duke's heir, the future Amadeus IX, and Yolanda of France, daughter of King Charles VII, which took place in October 1452. Du Fay had been in residence at Savoy probably since early summer (Wright, ‘Dufay’, pp. 188–9), and this time there was ample time for preparations.

180 On the date of these works, see Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 61–3Google Scholar.

181 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 163Google Scholar.

182 The subject of transposition and affinities is immensely complex. A remarkably clear exposition is Pesce, D., The Affinities and Medieval Transposition (Bloomington, 1987)Google Scholar.

183 Besseler, H., ed., Guglielmi Dufay opera omnia, 6 vols., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 1 (Rome, 1949–1966), v. no. 7Google Scholar.

184 Fallows, , Dufay, pp. 184–5Google Scholar.

185 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 150Google Scholar.

186 This is extremely hard to see in the modern editions, since the mass, as edited by Besseler in the Opera omnia, iii, no. 3, has all the passages in tempus imperfectum transcribed with a 4:1 reduction, while the propers are available only in Feininger, Monumenta, with no reduction of values. It becomes startlingly clear once the music is transcribed with uniform rate of reduction throughout.

187 Dèzes, K., ‘Das Dufay zugeschriebene Salve regina eine deutsche Komposition: Stilkritische Studie’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 10 (1927–1928), pp. 327–62Google Scholar.

188 Thé commission to compose the plainsongs for the Recollectio only confirms what was suggested by the existence of some now lost music treatises by Du Fay and by the episode, recorded in BBM 712, fol. 226, when he was asked to settle a dispute concerning the mode of the antiphon O quanta est exsultatio while passing through Besançon on 14 September 1458: Du Fay was considered a true musicus. Fallows, , Dufay, p. 62, n.43Google Scholar, reports the text edition of the piece in Analecta Hymnica, v, p. 243, as part of the office of SS. Victor and Ursus, but was unable to locate the music. The melody appears in a fifteenth-century antiphoner from Châlons, PaN, lat. 811, fol. 13r. In Besançon it was part of the office of St Stephen, the patron of the cathedral (BBM 64, fol. 224v; 69, p. 694; and 87, pp. 185–6, all without music). Du Fay'sjudgement is understandable: the work has ambitus from a to a', is constructed almost entirely around the third d-f has virtually every internal cadence on d, and only at the very end does it show a still surprising ending on e.

189 Fallows, , Dufay, p. 6Google Scholar.

190 Fallows, , Dufay, illustration 19, facing p. 85Google Scholar.

191 Dartus, E., Un grand musicien Cambrésien, Guillaume Du Fay (Cambrai, 1974), pp. 12–13Google Scholar.

192 ASV, RS 256, fols. 202v-203r (18 September 1430); RS 308, fols. 123v-124r (11 July 1435); RS 313, fols. 253v-254r (13 October 1435); RS 317, fol. 212r ( 10 January 1436); RS 318, fols. 182v-183r (22 January 1436); RS 318, fol. 279r (17 March 1436); RS 326, fols. 289v-290r (20 September 1436); RS 337, fols. 66v - 67r (6 July 1437); RS 338, fols. 276v-277r (18 August 1437); RS 342. fols. 289r-289v (3 January 1438); RS 374, fols. 119v-120r (16 June 1442).

193 ASV, RS 287, fol. lv (Eugenius iv, 7 July 1433); RS 297. fols. 88r-88v (Johannes Aynard, 29 July 1433); RS 315, fols. 110r - 110v (Amadeus viii, 11 -November 1435); RS 326, fols. 212v-213r (Eugenius iv, 11 September 1436); RS 326, fol. 234v (Firmin Aubron, 20 September 1436); RS 452, fols. 75r-75v (Gautier Cossel, 8 May 1451).

194 RS 312, fols. 173r - 173v (Guillaume Anserin, 30 September 1435); RS 377, fol. 79r (Du Fay, 14 September 1442).

195 See Starr, P., ‘Music and Musical Patronage at the Papal Court. 1447–1464’ (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1987). pp. 43–4 and 54–5Google Scholar.

196 AN, 4G 7439–49, (1439–49) passim (usually last page).

197 AN, 4G 6789–90, years 1459–60, 1462–4, fol. [lr] of each year.

198 AN, 4G 1313, pp. 67 and 76; Houdoy, , Histoire, pp. 409 and 414Google Scholar. Houdoy, and every scholar that has followed him, misreads the name in p. 76 as Guillelmus de Fay.

199 (London, 1898).

200 Adler, G. and Koller, O., eds., Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Jg. vii, 14–15 (Vienna, 1900)Google Scholar.