Experiences of non-North American teachers of English in American English-dominant Korean ELT

Introduction

The dominance of North American (U.S. and Canadian) English is widely prevalent in Korean English language teaching (ELT). Students show more positive attitudes towards American English than any other English variety (Jung, 2005; Yook & Lindemann, 2013), and teachers impart and reinforce American English norms (Ahn, 2017; Ahn, 2011). Administrators and employers consider American English as the sole model for Korean ELT (Ahn, 2013; Harrison, 2010; Jenks, 2017; Song, 2013). Koreans’ preference for American English dates back to the 1950s, when the first national ELT curriculum explicitly favored American English over British English (Lee, 2015). Since then the status of American English as the standard among all varieties of English has been strengthened due to Korea's strong political, military, and economic ties with the US (Harrison, 2010; Yim, 2007).

Koreans’ desire to learn American English has resulted in an overwhelming majority of Americans and Canadians among native English-speaking teachers (NESTs) in the country. According to the Korean immigration code, only NESTs from English as a native language (ENL) countries (designated as the US, the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland and South Africa) are eligible to work as English teachers in Korea (Howard, 2019; Kang, 2010). Among these nationalities, approximately three-fourths of all NESTs are from the US and Canada (Chung & Bong, 2019; Hong, 2010), and non-North American teachers are often considered second tier in Korean ELT (Strother, 2015), indicating that they are likely to experience challenges in positioning themselves in relation to their status as teachers of English. This study is an investigation of how non-North American NESTs perceive American English dominance and how that dominance affects their experiences in Korean ELT.

Methodology

Participants

Seven NESTs, including two from the UK (Ben and Ray), one from Australia (Alan), one from New Zealand (Nathan), one from Ireland (Irvine), and two from South Africa (Sandy and Ulla) participated in this study. Their ages ranged from 26 to 39 (mean=31.6), and their years of teaching in Korean ELT from three to ten years (mean=6.6). Except for Ulla, all participants were male. Ben, Ray, Alan, and Nathan were teaching in universities, while Irvine, Sandy, and Ulla were elementary school teachers at the time of data collection. Five (Ben, Ray, Alan, Nathan, and Ulla) had either a BA, an MA, or a Certificate in TESOL, but the remaining two (Irvine and Sandy) had no TESOL certification. The participants’ background information is presented in Table 1.

Table 1: Profiles of the Participants

Data Collection and Analysis

Data were gathered through two interviews with each participant, which were semi-structured to allow participants to convey their views and experiences in their own terms. We prepared an interview guide with open-ended questions, which was given to the participants prior to each interview so they could reflect in advance on their lives as non-North American NESTs in Korean ELT. The participants were living in different regions in Korea, to which we traveled for each 60-75 minute interview. All interview data were recorded and transcribed verbatim. We conducted email correspondence and telephone/Skype conversations with the participants for clarification and further information when needed.

We employed content analysis, which entails identifying salient codes, calculating their frequencies, and classifying them into themes (Merriam, 2009). It is important to note that content analysis is inherently quantitative because it relies on frequency counts of words and phrases. Themes, patterns, and categories are identified by recurrence and frequency so that content analysis is grounded in inductive reasoning. Data coding was carried out in four stages. First, we read and annotated all transcripts repeatedly, highlighting and writing notes in the margins. Second, we consulted our annotations to collect recurrent instances, which we organized into emerging themes. Third, we reread the data to check the accuracy of our analysis. Finally, we labelled each theme and provided a thematic description as well as illustrative excerpts from the data.

Findings

Three main themes emerged from the data analysis, (1) strict hierarchical structure of varieties of English, (2) imbalance in the ELT curriculum, and (3) discrimination against non-North American teachers, each with two subthemes. These themes are discussed in turn but are overlapping and cannot be fully separated from each other.

Strict hierarchical structure of varieties of English

American definitely ranked first

All the participants said that they could easily recognize the hierarchical order of English varieties in Korean ELT, in which North American English was rated first, followed by British and then other varieties. As Sandy described:

Their ranks are American, possibly together with Canadian, then British, and then the others. American and Canadian are definitely number one, and then British number two, and there is a big gap to Australian/New Zealand and South African . . . For various reasons – socio, political, and economic – South African is at the bottom. Irish is near the bottom as well. (Sandy, South Africa, 7 years teaching)

By ranking Irish with South African at the bottom of the list, Sandy implies that both varieties lacked socio, political, and economic value in Korea. He is aware that the hierarchy is based on the power that each variety has and that American English is at the pinnacle of the hierarchy.

Ben and Ray from Britain also acknowledged American English dominance, but they emphasized that British English was second and closer to American than to the other native Englishes. As Ben put it, ‘North American is number one for sure, then British definitely second, and the others may be next.’ Here, Ben was identifying three categories of English, American, British, and the rest, making it clear that British was second and well above the other varieties. Ray also ranked British English as a close second to North American and also identified a hierarchy of three categories, with American and British English at the top, Australian and New Zealand varieties in the middle, and Irish and South African English at the bottom:

North American would be nearest the top, then it would be British. And Australian, and then New Zealand. Then it would probably be Irish after South African, but those two would be ranked at the bottom. I would say those three levels, North American and British are highest, and then it would be Australian and New Zealand. (Ray, Britain, 9 years teaching)

The participants found that American English dominance deeply permeated Korean educational culture, creating negative feelings about non-North American varieties. As Irvine from Ireland recalled:

It was definitely difficult for me when I started at a public school, because everyone there spoke with an American accent. I was the odd one out. It's very strange for me, because the kids can barely speak English but they speak with such a strong American accent. They cannot string a sentence together but their accent is there. They frankly say they dislike my accent. ‘Teacher, I don't want that. That's nasty.’ I'm offended, sometimes upset with them. (Irvine, Ireland, 3 years teaching)

Irvine found himself in the anomalous position of being the native speaker in the classroom but the one whose English was discredited. He was very surprised that his students, who could barely speak English, could convey ‘a strong American accent.’ The students’ rejection of his accent was hard for him to deal with.

American English as educational norm

The participants acknowledged that American English was the current dominant force in the world and possibly an easier variety for non-native speakers to understand. As Ulla from South Africa maintained:

I fully understand because in the global arena, American English is the major or the most likely known and spoken variety. In the world, American is the dominant standard English . . . If I think of the situation from that perspective, I'd say generally the North American accent is probably easier to understand and better for education. (Ulla, South Africa, 3 years teaching)

Her comments echo those of others who had come to regard their own varieties of English as secondary to American English, which, as the globally dominant variety, was the appropriate educational norm.

The participants also argued that one standard variety needs to be chosen for ELT as English is the dominant global language, and it is logical that American English should be that variety. As Alan from Australia explained:

We need to have one standard for teaching English as a foreign language. I think it's good for Korean students to learn American English. It's beneficial for them because they regard America as a superior country. (Alan, Australia, 4 years teaching)

Participants also accepted American English dominance because it had been embedded in the Korean ELT system for years, as stated by Sandy:

I teach American English in Korea because that's what the students are used to. I think, for these students, it needs to remain North American. Why would you change it? There's no point. It's so ingrained that I can't change it by myself. The system is already in place. (Sandy, South Africa, 7 years teaching)

Sandy's acceptance and even approval of the dominance of American English in Korean ELT echoed the other participants’ recognition of the demands of the current system.

Imbalance in the ELT curriculum

Exclusion of non-North American cultures

The non-British participants reported that their cultures were neglected in Korean ELT, which, they felt, was too focused on American culture. They further mentioned that they were not prepared to teach American culture. For example, Irvine said that he felt reluctant to teach American culture because he did not know much about it:

American culture is the main culture representing all English-speaking cultures in the curriculum. Other cultures are excluded. I have no idea of American culture, so I don't really teach it… I'm sure in many cases Korean people know as much about Thanksgiving as I do. Because it's just not my culture, I find trying to teach it awkward . . . (Irvine, Ireland, 3 years teaching)

This difficulty often led them to avoid teaching any culture at all.

Some participants pointed out that not only the cultures of countries in which English was not the native tongue were excluded in Korean ELT, but also the cultures non-North American countries where it was. Nathan from New Zealand described how his culture was marginalized by his American colleagues:

American teachers believed American culture was the dominant English-speaking culture. They see New Zealand is as a small colony of a dominant power. I remember when we were developing a new literature curriculum, they said, ‘We had Mark Twain or you know British ones, like Dickens . . . ’ I asked ‘How about New Zealand writers?’ and they just said, ‘No.’ They were not so much dismissive of my culture as focused on what they deemed to be important writers in English literature, especially the famous ones from America or sometimes Britain. (Nathan, New Zealand, 10 years teaching)

Here Nathan implies that American teachers, in presuming that American culture, without question, is the dominant educational target, even place British writers in second place in an English literature curriculum.

On the other hand, Ben and Ray reported that British English and culture have become more popular among Koreans in recent times, though this was not the case when they began their teaching careers. As Ray related:

The perception of British accents among the Koreans has changed during the last decade. The British accent is becoming more popular. I've noticed that since I came here. I've had many students come to me and say they want to practice British English. (Ray, Britain, 9 years teaching)

Ben expressed surprise because British culture was introduced in the textbook, which he had believed would never happen:

This semester, the first chapter of the textbook was about the famous writers in history. One of the writers they talked about was a Scottish writer. I gave them a page from his book, which is in a very old, archaic English dialect, and they didn't understand, of course. Then, I switched to my native and told them it's the dialect from my hometown, just to give them an idea of what it's like. (Ben, Britain, 10 years teaching)

Ben used the mention of a Scottish writer in the textbook as an opportunity to illustrate different English dialects, both local and archaic. He also showed a video clip demonstrating different accents around the UK, to make the students aware of the variety of accents spoken in the UK.

Absence of teaching of world Englishes

Apart from Ben's intervention, American English dominance generally deprived students of opportunities to hear various accents. As Ulla commented:

I think they [students] really need to improve their skills for listening to various accents. It's more important for communication that they can understand various accents than that they can speak them. (Ulla, South Africa, 3 years teaching)

Ulla's point that Korean students need to be exposed to different accents although they do not need to speak them can be related to the reality of global communications, in which a wide variety of English accents are used. Ray observed:

There's no introduction of world Englishes. I think focusing too much on American English prevents learning to understand many different accents. I feel students are at some sort of disadvantage, because not everyone in the world speaks with a standard American accent. (Ray, Britain, 9 years teaching)

Ray's comment demonstrates that Korean ELT may neglect the importance of preparing students for mutual understanding given the myriad ways in which English is spoken throughout the world.

Some participants, such as Nathan, made an attempt to teach the concept of world Englishes:

I try to tell them about the variation in English, for example, saying ‘All the colonies of the British Empire including Asian countries like India and Singapore speak a variation of English.’ I try to explain, ‘I know you think American English is the standard, but not all people speak it.’ But they don't grasp the concept very well. They still just think in terms of American English. I try to give them another way of thinking besides always focusing on American English. (Nathan, New Zealand, 10 years teaching)

Nathan perceived that his efforts to teach his students about the many different varieties of English spoken in the world, of which American is just one variety, fell largely on deaf ears, but he persisted in trying to explain the global spread of English.

Discrimination against teachers from non-North America

Pressure to ‘neutralize’ their accents

As non-North American NESTs, the participants experienced a disadvantage even in the initial process of hiring. Ulla never had any call-backs until she changed her accent. She said she was advised by the recruiter, ‘If you can speak with more of an American accent, the chance of getting a job will be higher.’ She took the recruiter's advice, and after she worked on changing her accent, she was more likely to be called back. Nathan shared his experience with being turned down:

I was turned down because I'm not North American. I had an interview, and the school director just told me directly, ‘We won't hire you because you're not American or Canadian.’ Then, I sent a resume to a university in Seoul. One of my friends was working at the university and was part of the hiring process. He told me that when they looked at my resume, it was not quite favorable because I was from New Zealand. They were worried about how well students could understand me. (Nathan, New Zealand, 10 years teaching)

Nathan recounted being rejected first in person because of his accent and second on the basis of his nationality as stated on his resume, because it was presumed he would have an accent unacceptable to Korean ELT. These experiences illustrate the initial barriers non-North Americans had to surmount even to be considered for an appointment.

The participants’ interviews also provided evidence of ongoing pressure to change their accents to sound more American in order to make themselves more marketable and survive in Korean ELT. Before higher prestige was recently accorded to British English, Ben said that he too had to change his accent because of complaints from parents and students:

When I worked at an academy, I got complaints from parents and students. They directly told me to speak American. My boss said, ‘You need to sound more American, or we can't let you work here.’ So I practiced American pronunciation of English. If I didn't change my accent, I would have had to leave Korea. Right now, my accent is fairly neutral. (Ben, Britain, 10 years teaching)

Alan also stated:

I had to change my accent. My accent is now pretty neutral. When they ask me where I'm from and I asked them where do you think I'm from, they say I'm from America. If I use my Australian accent, I'm gonna sound, to them, uneducated. (Alan, Australia, 4 years teaching)

Interestingly, both Ben and Alan described their newly adopted American accents as ‘neutral,’ a term used in others’ interviews to refer to the subduing of their original accents and the adoption of an American accent. They used the word ‘neutral’ in an affirmative sense, suggesting that they found their use of American English positive and even, as Alan said, that their native dialects could sound ‘uneducated.’

Loss of their own identities

American English dominance had serious repercussions for some participants’ identities insofar as these were rooted in their status as non-North American teachers. Ulla mentioned that her accent shift caused her to ‘lose some part of myself,’ and Nathan commented that the fact that he is from New Zealand ‘annoys’ him, and it is ‘annoying’ for him to change his accent. Sandy's adoption of an American accent also had negative effects on his identity:

My South African accent was difficult for my students. They couldn't really understand it. So I started learning American English, and now I feel like I've lost my own accent. Everything's in favor of American culture, and there's no place for my culture. Now I totally regret, you know, completely changing my accent. And in terms of identity, it is . . . a bit rough. (Sandy, South Africa, 7 years teaching)

Alan felt that he lost himself when using American English:

When I speak American English, it's not really me. It takes away some aspects of my personality. My personality is entwined with my Australian accent. It makes me a unique person . . . It [speaking like an American] is acting. I'm conscious of my word-stream. Now that I've thought about the situation, the phrase that expresses my feelings is ‘feeling isolated …’ I'm surrounded by nobody from my culture. Such isolation is more than just feeling different… It's a feeling of losing things that are really important to me. (Alan, Australia, 4 years teaching)

Alan's identity was inseparable from his Australian accent, and he had to monitor himself when speaking American English. He felt isolated because he had nobody who shared his deep attachment to his Australian accent.

Unlike the other participants, Ben and Ray reported that their status has been improving. As Ben explained:

These days, it [American English dominance] doesn't affect me. It doesn't really have any influence on my life, but previously, it was frustrating. I was being overlooked for a job because of my being English. But there has been an increased interest in British English. American is still preferred in the job market, but Brits can overcome that barrier. (Ben, Britain, 10 years teaching)

Only Ben could attest to the rising popularity of his native accent, while other accents remained unacceptable. His statement above suggests that while American English is still dominant, it is meeting its match in British English, so his status is not affected, and British teachers will no longer suffer disadvantages in the job market.

Discussion and conclusion

Many studies have reported discrimination against non-native English-speaking teachers (NNESTs) in the ELT industry (e.g., Ahn, 2011; Jenks, 2017; Yook & Lindemann, 2013), but discrimination among NESTs has not been previously reported. However, our findings show that these participants also experienced discrimination in Korean ELT due to their being non-North American English speakers, suggesting that the ELT context plays a fundamental role in determining the status of non-North American native-speaking English teachers (cf. Jenks, 2017). No matter how they might claim that they are teachers of authentic English, Korean ELT did not regard them as equal to American English-speaking teachers, requiring them to negotiate their status in respect to the problems they faced as non-North American teachers.

As the participants observed, the dominance of American English is so ingrained in Korean ELT that it cannot be challenged. In Korea, varieties of English are graded on the basis of how they are similar to an American accent (Ahn, 2017; Ahn, 2011; Jenks, 2017; Strother, 2015). Koreans’ exaggerated emphasis on American English, often called ‘American English fever’ (Ahn, 2013: 6), can be understood in the light of Koreans’ acceptance of the hegemony of the English-speaking West, in particular, America. The participants showed their acknowledgement of the power that American English holds over other varieties in Korean ELT, as indicated by their belief that American English should be taught because it brought the greatest benefits to students. This American English fever is not a phenomenon unique to Korea. For instance, even in Europe, where British English has been the model of ELT, American English is becoming more and more widespread. As Modiano (2001) said, ‘With the acceleration of Americanization throughout Europe, it is evident that the supremacy of British English as the educational norm in the EU can now be questioned’ (p. 171).

According to the participants, Korean ELT's obsessive pursuit of American English excluded non-North American ENL cultures from its curriculum. Korean ELT has naturally adopted American culture as the target, and all other ENL cultures are considered secondary to or subcultures within American culture, with the exception of British culture which has gained popularity and is becoming part of the curriculum (Jenks, 2017; Song, 2013). In a similar vein, they reported the neglect of world Englishes in Korean ELT although non-exposure to various accents could lead to communication breakdowns for Korean students. They felt that while Korean ELT should have a specific variety of English as the instructional default, a purpose best served by North American English, at the same time the curriculum should expose students to world Englishes for international communications (Ahn, 2013, 2017).

The participants expressed their adoption of American English as ‘neutralization’ of their dialects, a process in which they removed their regionally specific speech characteristics to make their speech sound more Americanized. They also regarded their neutralized accents as sounding more sophisticated than their native accents. The participants discussed the impact that changing their accents had on their identities, which overall was negative. When they used American English, they did not feel like their true selves. They did not change accents voluntarily, but under necessity to fit into the system, and not using their natural dialects restricted the ease and clarity with which they expressed themselves. In the classroom, they felt they were acting, not teaching. However, the two British participants reported that their situation was gradually improving as British culture became popular in Korea and included in Korean ELT, which led Korean students to be interested in British English. The two British teachers also seemed to have some advantages in the job market compared to the other five teachers, who experienced no improvement in their status. These teachers can be categorized as an underrepresented subgroup in the hierarchy of NESTs in Korean ELT.

The findings of the study suggest an implication for Korean ELT, which is that it needs to value NESTs who speak different varieties of English to prepare students for the realities of the global society in which many Englishes are used for communication. As shown in the participants’ narratives, if a native speaker model is needed in English as a foreign language (EFL) teaching, then have one; but, at the same time, introduce and teach multiple varieties of English. Accordingly, we suggest that in Korean ELT non-North American NESTs be allowed and indeed encouraged to use their native English, rather required to emulate American English.

The current study has the limitation, which is typical of qualitative research with a small sample size, so the findings may not be broadly generalizable. However, the findings may be transferrable to other contexts similar to that of the study.