Article contents
Taking uncertainty seriously: Classical realism and national security
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 April 2016
Abstract
If we can’t reliably predict the future, how can we be wise when preparing for it? Examining the UK’s ‘Strategic Defence and Security Review’ of 2010, I demonstrate that though planners often rightly invoke uncertainty, they also imply a highly certain ideology about Western power and foresight. Modern ‘national security states’ describe the world as dangerously uncertain, yet fall prey to a misplaced confidence in their ability to anticipate and prevent threats. I argue that classical realism, especially that of Clausewitz and Morgenthau, is a valuable resource for handling uncertainty more reflexively. Classical realism counsels that governments should go beyond attempts to improve foresight. They should try to check against the fallibility of their assumptions, marshal their power more conservatively, insure against the likelihood of predictive failure by developing the intellectual capability to react to the unknown, and avoid misplaced confidence in their ability to bring order into chaos.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- © British International Studies Association 2016
References
1 Doran, Charles F., ‘Why forecasts fail: the limits and potential of forecasting in International Relations and economics’, International Studies Review, 1:2 (1999), pp. 11–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 11).
2 ‘Uncertainty’ has multiple meanings, but refers here non-pejoratively to ignorance over the capabilities and intentions of others.
3 See Edmunds, Timothy, ‘British civil-military relations and the problem of risk’, International Affairs, 88:2 (2012), pp. 265–282CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hammerstad, Anne and Boas, Ingrid, ‘National security risks? Uncertainty, austerity and other logics of risk in the UK government’s national security strategy’, Cooperation and Conflict (2014), pp. 1–17Google Scholar.
4 Williams, M. J., ‘Insecurity studies, reflexive modernisation and the risk society’, Cooperation and Conflict, 43:1 (2008), pp. 57–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beck, Ulrich, Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity (London: Sage, 1992)Google Scholar; Coker, Christopher, War in an Age of Risk (New York: Polity, 2009)Google Scholar; Rasmussen, Mikkel Vedby, The Risk Society at War: Terror, Technology and Strategy in the Twenty First Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 203–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
5 Rathbun, Brian, ‘Uncertain about uncertainty: Understanding the multiple meanings of a concept in International Relations theory’, International Studies Quarterly, 51:3 (2007), pp. 533–557CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Edelstein, David M., ‘Managing uncertainty: Beliefs about intentions and the rise of Great Powers’, Security Studies, 12:1 (2002), pp. 1–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gaddis, John Lewis, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Parker, Charles F. and Stern, Eric K., ‘Blindsided? September 11 and the origins of strategic surprise’, Political Psychology, 23:3 (2002), pp. 601–630CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 Rumsfeld, Donald H., ‘Transforming the military’, Foreign Affairs, 81:3 (2002), pp. 20–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 22); ‘Rumsfeld: It would be a short war’, CBS News (15 November 2002).
7 National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015 (TSO: London, 2015), p. 6.
8 Mitzen, Jennifer and Schweller, Randall, ‘Knowing the unknowns: Misplaced certainty and the onset of war’, Security Studies, 20 (2011), pp. 2–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 Yergin, Daniel, Shattered Peace: The Origins of the Cold War and the National Security State (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1978), pp. 193–220Google Scholar; Sherry, Michael S., In the Shadow of War: The United States Since the 1930s (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), p. 35Google Scholar.
10 Arquilla, John, ‘Small cells vs. big data’, Foreign Policy (22 April 2013)Google Scholar; Kukier, Kenneth Neil and Mayer-Schoenberger, Viktor, ‘The rise of big data: How its changing the way we think about the world’, Foreign Affairs, 92:3 (2013), pp. 28–40Google Scholar.
11 Davis, Paul K., ‘Defence planning and risk management in the presence of deep uncertainty’, in Paul Bracken (ed.), Managing Strategic Surprise: Lessons from Risk Management and Risk Assessment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 170Google Scholar.
12 Frühling, Stephan, Defence Planning and Uncertainty: Preparing for the Next Asia-Pacific War (2014), p. 194Google Scholar.
13 Tetlock, Philip E., Expert Political Judgement: How Good is it? How Can We Know? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), p. 20Google Scholar.
14 Gaddis, John Lewis, ‘International Relations theory and the end of the Cold War’, International Security, 17:3 (1992–3), pp. 5–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 JASON, Rare Events (McLean, VA: MITRE Corporation, 2007), p. 7.
16 Horowitz, Michael C. and Tetlock, Philip, ‘Trending upward: How the intelligence community can better see into the future’, Foreign Policy (6 September 2012)Google Scholar.
17 Ministry of Defence, Development Concept and Doctrine Center, The Future Character of Conflict (Shrivenham: DCDC, 2010)Google ScholarPubMed; Ministry of Defence, Adaptability and Partnership: Issues for the Strategic Defence Review (Cm 7794, February 2010).
18 HM Government, Securing Britain in an Age of Uncertainty (London: Cabinet Office, October 2010)Google Scholar.
19 A Strong Britain in an Age of Uncertainty: The National Security Strategy (London: TSO, 2010); see also the recently published National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review (London: TSO, 2015).
20 Kirkpatrick, David, ‘The next UK Defence Review must do better’, RUSI Defence Systems, 14:2 (2011), pp. 14–15Google Scholar; House of Commons Defence Committee, Towards the Next Defence and Security Review: Part One – HC 197: Part 1, Seventh Report of Session 2013–14, Vol. 1: Report, Together with Formal Minutes and Oral Evidence, Volume 1, p. 12, para. 12.
21 On the problems encountered by the SDSR, see Dorman, Andrew M., ‘Making 2+2=5: the 2010 Strategic Defence and Security Review’, Defence and Security Analysis, 27:1 (2011), pp. 77–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
22 The SDSR was launched in May and published in October 2010. The previous major review of 1998 took a year and was relatively open to external expert opinion: Rob Dover and Mark Pythian, ‘The politics of the Strategic Defence and Security Review: Centralisation and cuts’.
23 William Hague, ‘Britain’s foreign policy in a networked world’, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London, 1 July 2010, available at: {https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/britain-s-foreign-policy-in-a-networked-world—2}.
24 Strachan, Hew, ‘The strategic gap in British defence policy’, Survival, 51:4 (2009), pp. 49–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Taylor, Trevor, ‘The essential choice: Options for future British defence’, RUSI Journal, 155:2 (2010), pp. 14–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 17).
25 Hague, William, ‘The foreign policy framework of a new conservative government’, Royal United Services Institute (10 March 2010)Google Scholar.
26 Hague, William, ‘Opening statement, foreign affairs and defence debate on the Queen’s speech’, Hansard (26 May 2010)Google Scholar, col. 174.
27 HM Government, ‘Foreword’, Securing Britain in an Age of Uncertainty, p. 3.
28 James Blitz, Defence and Diplomatic Editor of the Financial Times, Oral Evidence, House of Commons Defence Committee, 16 February 2011, Ev. 3; this was revealed in a leaked report, SDSR: Lessons Identified (3 November 2010).
29 Parent, Joseph M. and MacDonald, Paul K., ‘Graceful decline? The surprising success of Great Power retrenchment’, International Security, 35:4 (2011), pp. 7–44Google Scholar.
30 Friedberg, Aaron, The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of Relative Decline 1895–1905 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 170–171Google Scholar; Kennedy, Paul, ‘A time to appease’, The National Interest, 108 (2010), pp. 7–17Google Scholar.
31 ‘A retreat, but not a rout’, Economist (21 October 2010); Cornish, Paul and Dorman, Andrew, ‘Smart muddling through’, International Affairs, 88:2 (2012), pp. 213–222CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 222).
32 Joint Committee on the National Security Strategy, ‘First Review of the National Security Strategy’, HL Paper 265/HS 1384 (Session 2010–12), para. 30; House of Commons Defence Committee, The Strategic Defence and Security Review and the National Security Strategy: Sixth Report of Session 2010–2012, Volume I, para. 12; Professor Michael Clark and Professor Hew Strachan, Defence Committee Minutes of Evidence, The Strategic Defence and Security Review and the National Security Strategy, 16 February 2011, Ev. 5; Fry, Robert, ‘Smart power and the strategic deficit’, RUSI Journal, 159:6 (2014), pp. 28–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
33 ‘The Future Character of Conflict’ (FCOC), pp. 1, 6, 7, 38.
34 FCOC, pp. 21, 29.
35 Ibid., pp. 16, 11.
36 Ibid., pp. 27, 36.
37 ‘The National Security Strategy’ (NSS), p. 25.
38 Ibid., pp. 26–31.
39 Ibid., pp. 3, 18.
40 Hanhimäki, Jussi M., ‘The (really) good war: Cold War nostalgia and American foreign policy’, Cold War History, 14:4 (2014), pp. 673–683CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
41 Howes, Buster, ‘Vast Ills follow a belief in certainty’, RUSI Journal 156:3 (12 May 2011), pp. 20–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
42 Keck, Zachary, ‘Why D-Day would fail today: Modern defence technology has made seaborne invasions all the more difficult’, The Diplomat (7 June 2014)Google Scholar; Freedberg, Sydney J., ‘Marines seek new tech to get ashore against missiles: Reinventing Amphib assault’, Breaking Defence (16 April 2014)Google Scholar.
43 ‘Missing in action: Britain needs a strategy to make the best use of its shrinking military capabilities’, The Economist (8 March 2014).
44 ‘Defence budget chaotic, says Chancellor George Osborne’, BBC News (2 October 2010), available at: {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-11457956}.
45 See Kirshner, Jonathan, ‘The economic sins of modern IR theory and the classical realist alternative’, World Politics, 67:1 (2015), pp. 155–183CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 153, 178).
46 Gholz, Eugene, ‘Assessing the “threat” of international tension to the U.S. economy’, in Christopher A. Preble and John Mueller (eds), A Dangerous World? Threat Perception and U.S. National Security (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2014), pp. 209–221Google Scholar; Gholz, Eugene and Press, Daryl, ‘Why it doesn’t pay to preserve the peace’, Security Studies, 10:4 (2001), pp. 1–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
47 Press, Daryl, Calculating Credibility: How Leaders Assess Military Threats (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.
48 Patrick, Stewart, Weak Links: Fragile States, Global Threats and International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
49 Simons, Anna and Tucker, David, ‘The misleading problem of failed states: a “socio-geography” of terrorism in the post-9/11 era’, Third World Quarterly, 28:2 (2007), pp. 387–401CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 388–9); Newman, Edward, ‘Weak states, state failure and terrorism’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 19:4 (2007), pp. 463–488CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 481, 483); Mazarr, Michael, ‘The rise and fall of the state failure paradigm: Requiem for a decade of distraction’, Foreign Affairs, 93:1 (2014), pp. 113–122Google Scholar (p. 116).
50 Ulfelder, Jay, ‘Why the world can’t have a Nate Silver’, Foreign Policy (8 November 2012)Google Scholar.
51 Regan, Patrick, ‘Third-party interventions and the duration of intrastate conflicts’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 46:1 (2002), pp. 55–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wood, Reed M., Kathman, Jacob, and Gent, Stephen E., ‘Armed intervention and civilian victimization in intrastate conflicts’, Journal of Peace Research, 49:5 (2012), pp. 647–660CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Monten, Jonathan and Downes, Alexander, ‘Forced to be free? Why foreign-imposed regime change rarely leads to democratization’, International Security, 37:4 (2013), pp. 90–131Google Scholar.
52 Aydin, Aysegul, ‘Networks of third-party interveners and Civil War duration’, European Journal of International Relations 18:3 (2012), pp. 573–597CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
53 ‘Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the Republic of Rwanda’ (Revised 2012), § 2.1.
54 On the misalignment of interests problem, see Biddle, Stephen, ‘Afghanistan’s legacy: Emerging lessons of an ongoing war’, The Washington Quarterly, 37:2 (2014), pp. 73–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 80–1).
55 Special Investigator General for Iraq Reconstruction (SIGIR), Learning From Iraq: A Final Report From the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction (Washington, DC: 2013), pp. 90–105Google Scholar.
56 Ministry of Defence, Adaptability and Partnership: Issues for the Strategic Defence Review (Cm 7794, February 2010), pp. 17–22, 14, 28, 30.
57 MOD, Strategic Defence Review (London, 1998)Google Scholar; Cabinet Office, The National Security Strategy of the United Kingdom: Security in an Interdependent World (London, 2008)Google Scholar; FCO, Preparing for Global Climate Change: An Adaptation Plan for the FCO (London, 2010)Google Scholar.
58 On the ‘prior beliefs’ critique of bureaucratic politics models, see James M. Goldgeier, ‘Psychology and security’, Security Studies, 6 (1997), pp. 137–66; Khong, Yuen Foong, Analogies at War: Korea, Munich, Dien Bien Phu, and the Vietnam Decisions of 1965 (Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.
59 Stewart, Rory, Hansard (26 Jan 2012)Google Scholar, col. 500.
60 Obama referred to ‘our inability to predict the future’. Defence Strategic Guidance: Sustaining US Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defence (January 2012), p. 6; on ‘danger and uncertainty’, President Barack Obama, ‘Remarks by the President at the United States Military Academy Commencement Ceremony’ (28 May 2014); ‘American leadership is the one constant in an uncertain world’ in ‘Statement by the President on ISIL’ (10 September 2014).
61 ‘Obama “disappointed by intel on Arab unrest”’, CBS News (4 February 2011); Gertz, Bill, ‘CIA blew it in Iraq, blamed for failing to warn about rise of Islamic State’, Washington Times (1 July 2014)Google Scholar.
62 Leffler, Melvyn P., ‘The foreign policies of the George W. Bush Administration: Memoirs, history, legacy’, Diplomatic History, 37:2 (2013), pp. 190–216CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tenet, George and Harlow, Bill, At the Center of the Storm: the CIA During America’s Time of Crisis (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), pp. 239Google Scholar, 234, 237, 269; Bush, George W., Decision Points (New York: Crown Publishing Group, 2010), pp. 153Google Scholar, 159; Ashcroft, John, Never Again: Securing America and Restoring Justice (New York: Center Street, 2006), p. 125Google Scholar.
63 Betts, Richard K., Surprise Attack: Lessons for Defense Planning (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Biddle, Stephen, Military Power: Explaining Victory and Defeat in Modern Battle (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), pp. 64–65Google Scholar.
64 Lebow, Richard Ned, The Tragic Vision of Politics: Ethics, Interests and Orders (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
65 On anarchy in realist traditions, see Parent, Joseph M. and Baron, Joshua M., ‘Elder abuse: How the moderns mistreat classical realism’, International Studies Review, 13 (2011), pp. 193–213CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
66 Hollis, Martin and Smith, Steve, Explaining and Understanding International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 171–176Google Scholar.
67 Danzig, Richard, Driving in the Dark: Ten Propositions about Prediction and National Security (Washington DC: Center for a New American Security, 2011), p. 9Google Scholar.
68 Kirshner, ‘Economic sins’, p. 178.
69 Hom, Andrew R. and Steele, Brent J., ‘Open horizons: the temporal visions of reflexive realism’, International Studies Review, 12:2 (2010), pp. 271–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 271).
70 According to US Defense Secretary Robert Gates, American forces must embrace agility because they have ‘never once gotten it right’ about the nature and location of future wars: Robert M. Gates, Secretary of Defence Speech, Westpoint, 25 February 2011, available at: {http://www.defense.gov/speeches/speech.aspx?speechid=1539}; for a similarly technocratic emphasis on flexibility, see Imlay, Talbot C. and Duffy Toft, Monica (eds), The Fog of Peace and War Planning: Military and Strategic Planning Under Uncertainty (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 249–261Google Scholar.
71 On this point see Gray, Colin S., Defence Planning: Meeting the Challenge of Uncertainty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 203Google Scholar.
72 White, Hugh, ‘The new defence White Paper: Why we need it and what it needs to do’, Lowy Institute Paper (April 2008), pp. 3–4Google Scholar.
73 See Trachtenberg, Marc, ‘The question of realism: an historian’s view’, Security Studies, 13:1 (2003), pp. 156–194CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kirshner, Jonathan, ‘The tragedy of offensive realism: Classical realism and the rise of China’, European Journal of International Relations, 18:1 (2010), pp. 53–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 66–9).
74 Derian, James Der and Shapiro, Michael, International-Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 1989)Google Scholar; Jervis, Robert, System Effects: Complexity in Political and Social Life (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
75 Kirshner, Jonathan, ‘The tragedy of offensive realism: Classical realism and the rise of China’, European Journal of International Relations, 18:1 (2010), pp. 53–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 54).
76 Clausewitz to Marie, 29 September 1806, Karl und Marie von Clausewitz: Ein Lebensbild in Briefen und Tagebuchblättern, ed. Karl Linnebach (Berlin: Warneck, 1916), p. 64.
77 Clausewitz, , ‘On the life and character of Scharnhorst’, in Paret, Political and Historical Writings (1817)Google Scholar.
78 Herberg-Rothe, Andreas, Clausewitz’s Puzzle: The Political Theory of War (Oxford: Oxford University Press), p. 2Google Scholar.
79 Clausewitz, On War, 1:1, p. 77.
80 Ibid., 2:2, p. 139.
81 Clausewitz, On War, p. 168, on unreliable information p. 140; ‘On the life and character of Scharnhorst’, Historical and Political Writings, pp. 103–4; Echevarria II, Antulio J., Clausewitz & Contemporary War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
82 Clausewitz, On War, p. 581.
83 Blainey, Geoffrey, The Causes of War (New York: Free Press, 1988), pp. 109–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
84 Beyerchen, Alan J., ‘Clausewitz, nonlinearity and the unpredictability of war’, International Security, 17:3 (1992), pp. 59–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
85 Holmes, Terence M., ‘Planning versus chaos in Clausewitz’s On War’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 30:1 (2007), pp. 129–151CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
86 Moltke is attributed with this statement in Heuser, Beatrice, The Evolution of Strategy: Thinking War from Antiquity to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Freedman, Lawrence, Strategy: A History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 104Google Scholar.
87 von Moltke, Helmuth, ‘Ueber Strategie’, Militataerische Werke, ed. Großer Generalstab, Abteilung fuer Kriegsgeschichte I, Vol. II, 2, Moltkes taktischstrategische Aufsatze aus den Jahren 1857 bis 1871 (Berlin: Mittler, 1900), pp. 291–292Google Scholar.
88 Helmuth von Moltke, ‘Operationsplan-Kriegsobjekt und Operationsobjekt [Plan of operations]’, cited and translated in Hughes, Daniel J., Moltke on the Art of War: Selected Writings (Novato: Presidio Press, 1993), pp. 91–94Google Scholar (p. 92).
89 von Moltke, Helmut, ‘On Strategy’, from Militaerische Werke, translated in Hughes, Moltke, pp. 44–47Google Scholar (p. 47).
90 Clausewitz, On War, Book 8, p. 584
91 Bassford, Christopher, ‘John Keegan and the grand tradition of trashing Clausewitz: a polemic’, War in History, 1:3 (1994), pp. 319–336CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
92 Clausewitz, On War, p. 168.
93 Clausewitz, , ‘Strategic critique of the campaign of 1814 in France’, in Paret, Political and Historical Writings, pp. 205–235Google Scholar (p. 208).
94 Clausewitz, On War, 2:4, p. 155.
95 Clausewitz, ‘Der Feldzug von 1812 in Russland’, Hinterlassene Werke, vol. 7, p. 48, cited in Otte, ‘Educating Bellona’, p. 25.
96 von Scharfenort, Ludwig, Die Koniglich Preussische Kriegsakademi, 1810–1910 (Berlin: Mittler, 1910), pp. 30–41Google Scholar; Paret, Clausewitz, pp. 272–9.
97 Memorandum, cited in Scharfenort, p. 41.
98 Otte, T. G., ‘Educating Bellona: Carl von Clausewitz and Military Education’, in Keith Nelson and Greg Kennedy (eds), Military Education: Past, Present, and Future (New York: Praeger, 2002), pp. 13–33Google Scholar (pp. 14, 21).
99 Paret, Clausewitz, p. 273.
100 Jonathan Due, Lt Col., Nathan Finney, Maj., Joe Byerly, Maj., ‘Preparing Soldiers for Uncertainty’, Military Review (Jan–Feb 2015), pp. 26–30Google Scholar (p. 28).
101 Howard, Michael, ‘Military science in an age of peace’, RUSI, 119 (1974), pp. 3–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
102 Clausewitz, , ‘Unsere Kriegsverfassung’, Politische Schriften und Briefe, pp. 142–153Google Scholar.
103 Clausewitz, , ‘On the German Federal Army’, 1818, cited in Paret, Clausewitz: Political and Historical Writings, pp. 304–312Google Scholar (pp. 308, 309).
104 Morgenthau was a member of the Academic Committee on Soviet Jewry, the Kurdish-American Society, Americans for Democratic Action, Council for a Liveable World, the National Council for Civic Responsibility, and Turn Toward Peace. Lebow, Tragic Vision, p. 255, fn. 157.
105 Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1948)Google Scholar.
106 Morgenthau, Hans, ‘The purpose of political science’, in James C. Charlesworth (ed.), A Design for Political Science: Scope, Objectives and Methods (American Academy of Political Science, 1966), pp. 63–79Google Scholar.
107 Morgenthau, Politics Among the Nations, p. 22.
108 Morgenthau, Hans J., Scientific Man versus Power Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946), p. 221Google Scholar.
109 See Zambernardi, Lorenzo, ‘The impotence of power: Morgenthau’s critique of American intervention in Vietnam’, Review of International Studies, 37:3 (2011), pp. 1335–1356CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 1347–8).
110 Morgenthau, Hans J., A New Foreign Policy for the United States (1969), pp. 141Google Scholar, 142.
111 Morgenthau, Hans, ‘Are we deluding ourselves in Vietnam?’, The New York Times Magazine (18 April 1965)Google Scholar.
112 Scott, James C., Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), p. 4Google Scholar.
113 Nobel, Jaap W., ‘Morgenthau’s struggle with power: the theory of power politics and the Cold War’, Review of International Studies, 21:1 (1995), pp. 61–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 78).
114 See Levine, Daniel J., ‘Why Hans Morgenthau was not a critical theorist’, International Relations, 27:1 (2012), pp. 95–118CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 101–4).
115 Harriman, Robert, Prudence: Classical Virtue, Postmodern Practice (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, p. 12.
116 The first version of his textbook praised the supranational quality of the shared understanding of politics by the international aristocracy, see Politics Among Nations, p. 186, pp. 199–200; see also Rosenthal, Joel H., Righteous Realists: Political Realism, Responsible Power, and American Culture in the Nuclear Age (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991), pp. 32–36Google Scholar, pp. 121ff.
117 Morgenthau, A New Foreign Policy, p. 140.
118 Morgenthau, Hans, Truth and Power: Essays of a Decade 1960–1970 (New York: Praeger, 1970), p. 44Google Scholar.
119 Morgenthau, Politics Among the Nations (1993 edn), pp. 163–4.
120 On Morgenthau’s increasing stress on the need for dissenting politics to define the national interest, see Tjalve, Vibeke Schou, Realist Strategies of Republican Peace (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 97–133CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
121 Lang, Anthony F., ‘Morgenthau, agency, and Aristotle’, in Michael C. Williams (ed.), Realism Reconsidered: The Legacy of Hans Morgenthau in International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 42–62Google Scholar.
122 On the rise of scientism in modern governance, see Desrosieres, Alain, The Politics of Large Numbers: A History of Statistical Reasoning (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Amadae, S. M., Rationalizing Capitalist Democracy: the Cold War Origins of Rational Choice Liberalism (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; see also Brodie, Bernard, ‘Strategy as Science’, World Politics, 4:1 (1949), pp. 467–488CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
123 These recommendations draw upon the joint submission to the House of Commons Defence Select Committee with General Professor Sir Paul Newton and Dr David Blagden: ‘Memorandum submitted by the Strategy and Security Institute, University of Exeter’ (7 October 2015), available at: {http://data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/defence-committee/an-sdsr-checklist-of-potential-threats/written/22550.html}.
124 As Paul Bracken notes, ‘Some officials fight the scenario for a reason. What, they ask, is the point of wasting time over something that isn’t going to happen? Better, they argue, to focus on stopping Iran from getting the bomb than gaming out what happens if it does.’ Bracken, Paul, The Second Nuclear Age: Strategy, Danger and the New Power Politics (New York: St Martin’s Griffin, 2012), pp. 18–19Google Scholar.
125 Hart, Gary, The Fourth Power: Grand Strategy for the United States in the Twenty-First Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 33Google Scholar; on balancing planning with friction, see Strachan, Hew, ‘Strategy and Contingency’, The Direction of War: Contemporary Strategy in Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 235–253CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 238).
- 12
- Cited by