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Past Jihads, Citizenship and Regimes of Memory in Modern Spain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 September 2016

Pablo Sánchez León
Pablo Sánchez León*
Affiliation:
University of the Basque Country, Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Department of Constitutional Law and History of Political Thought, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y de la Comunicación – UPV/EHU, Barrio Sarriena s/n, 48940 Leioa – Bizkaia, Spain. E-mail: p.sleon@ehu.eus
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Abstract

The involvement of Western citizens in jihadist activities bears important epistemological consequences: presented as a clash of civilizations, Islamic terrorism brings to the fore the issue of civil war. This article, after underlining that both terrorism and holy wars have a long pedigree in Western history, traces the interplay of religious and political tropes and semantics in the origin of terrorism, in the West in general and in Spain in particular. Highlighting the overlap of traditional faithful/unfaithful cleavages into modern friend/enemy political dichotomies, it summarizes the history of modern Spain as a sequence of civil wars in which political and meta-political discourses and practices of exclusion evolved towards extermination solutions in the twentieth century. This account allows for a reflection on the crisis of the regime of memory established after Franco’s dictatorship in Spain.

Type
Regimes of Memory II
Information
European Review , Volume 24 , Issue 4 , October 2016 , pp. 535 - 557
Copyright
© Academia Europaea 2016 

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References

References and Notes

1.‘Acuerdo para afianzar la unidad en defensa de las libertades y en la lucha contra el terrorismo’, Ministerio de la Presidencia, Secretaría de Estado de Comunicación, 2 de febrero de 2015, http://www.lamoncloa.gob.es/ (accessed 1 June 2015).Google Scholar
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4.On the rhetoric of clash and alliance of civilizations see the classic by Huntington, S. P. (1993) The clash of civilizations? Foreign Affairs 72(3), pp. 22–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5.Regimes of memory regulate the supply and demand of collective remembrance and historical narratives of the past, from lieu de mémoire and academic historiography to popular myths and other immaterial heritage. See on Spanish regimes of memory from 1939 onwards, P. Sánchez León (2012) Overcoming the violent past in Spain, 1939-2009. European Review, 20(4), pp. 492–504.Google Scholar
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7.García Oliver’s declaration was: ‘[By the early 1920s] Many militants had fallen, the first men of our movement of today, and we understood that time would probably come when we would be absolutely defeated. In that moment we put together what I have no shame to say, what I am proud of confessing: The kings of the workers’ gun of Barcelona! We lived and acted separately. But we made a choice: the best terrorists of the working class, those who could return blow for blow and bring finally victory to the working class. We separated from the rest of fellows. We gathered together and formed a group, and Anarchist group, an action group for fighting against the gunmen, against the employers and the government. We succeeded in our goals, we defeated them. Our blows were harder, more to the head, than the ones they had given to us’. The words are taken from his speech – on 20 November 1937 – in the opening of the memorial for Anarchist leaders Buenaventura Durruti and Francisco Ascaso, who died in 1936, and libertarian pedagogue and intellectual Francisco Ferrer Guardia, sentenced to death in 1909. See a recording of the speech in D. Genovés (2006) Roig i Negre. Barcelona, TV3-Televisión de Catalunya. See J. García Oliver (1978) El eco de los pasos (Paris: Ruedo Ibérico).Google Scholar
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9.Under the overall label of Ley de responsabilidades políticas [Political responsibilities law], a legislation was enforced for fighting against ‘subversion’, not after its promulgation – February 1939 – but from as far as October 1934, when a major social uprising against the right-wing Government of the Republic had taken place. Apart from pursuing political militants during the democratic Republic, the law declared that those who had fought in favour of the Republic during the war could now be accused of having ‘aided the rebellion’ against Franco’s 1936 coup d’état. See on this issue M. Álvaro Dueñas (2006) Por ministerio de la ley y voluntad del Caudillo: la jurisdicción especial de responsabilidades políticas (1939–1945) (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales).Google Scholar
10.The legislation was still in use in the early 1960s, when it was implemented against the underground Communist Party leader Julián Grimau, who was sentenced to death and acquitted in 1963 accused of having practised tortures and committed crimes against civilians during the Civil War. The law was derogated by a decree in 1969 that prescribed all crimes committed before 1 April 1939, the official date of Franco’s victory ending with the military activity of the war. See on Grimau’s trial and its connection to the memory of the Spanish Civil War, P. Aguilar (2002) Memory and Amnesia. The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy (London: Berghahn Books), pp. 111–112.Google Scholar
11.The biographic article was written by Carlos Iniesta and José Martín Brocos, and portrayed general and ministry Camilo Alonso Vega (1899–1971). See http://www.publico.es/culturas/obra-convierte-maquis-terroristas-y.html, dated 1 June 2011. The dictionary was sponsored by the Spanish Academy of History.Google Scholar
12.Well before this particular polemic, an author sensitive to the ambiguous usage of the concept considered that, if the Spanish maquis are defined as terrorists, then the same label should be also applied to ‘the maquis who liberated Paris [in reference to the Spanish guerrilla fighters that, after fighting against the Nazi in France, were among the first military units entering Paris in 1944], the Italian partisans, even the Allies who fought against Nazism, and why not, the slaves who followed Spartacus’, see F. Moreno Gómez (2003) Maquis: deficit de investigación. Ebre 38, 1, p. 138.Google Scholar
13.The Law on Solidarity with Victims of Terrorism was passed after voting in parliament on 8 October 1999. Article 4.3 declares that, following reclamation by his or her heirs, the government ‘will concede’ recognition ‘to casualties from terrorist actions’. See Boletín Oficial del Estado 242 [9 October 1999], pp. 36050–36052. The award received by Manzanas’ heirs was the Gran Cruz del Mérito Civil, among the highest given by the state.Google Scholar
14.Even associations of victims of terrorism such as Gesto por la Paz [Gesture for Peace] complained that ‘there are probed facts of [Manzanas’] systematic violation of fundamental Human Rights to numerous citizens in the exercise of his responsibilities as a police servant’. See Bake Hitzak/Palabras de Paz 50 (2003), p. 64. Judicial initiatives were initiated by Izquierda Unida [United Left], a parliamentary party, and legislation on its part was passed by the regional parliament of Navarre in the form of a resolution against the decision by the central government.Google Scholar
15.The sentence backs all those whose death due to terrorist actions ‘has impeded them from assuming democratic values’ when ‘there are no reasons for denying that, had they survived to the previous regime, they would have incorporated such values after the political transition, in the way the majority of Spanish people have done, thus forgetting their past political trajectory’. Note that the process of moral change from anti-democratic to democratic values is presented as a sort of religious conversion. The sentence was substantiated and written by Judge José Manuel Sieira. See excerpts from it in La Voz de Galicia (21 November 2002), http://www.lavozdegalicia.es/hemeroteca/2002/11/21/1331428.shtml.Google Scholar
16.The parliamentary resolution forced the amendment of art. 4 of the Law on Solidariry with Victims of Terrorism by adding: ‘by no means [condecorations] will be awarded to those who, in their personal or professional career, may have behaved contrary to the values represented by the Constitution and this legislation, and to the human rights recognized in international treatises’.Google Scholar
17.The same ‘spirit of the transition’ has functioned as the justification behind the much-contested Law on Memory promulgated in 2008 that opens for civil-society actions in favour of recovering the memory of citizens killed during the Spanish Civil War or repressed during the dictatorship. See Sánchez León (2012). On the other hand, current judicial actions against several Spanish public servants and officials from the dictatorship are being undertaken in Argentina following international jurisprudence on Human Rights. See newspaper information in ‘Argentine Judge Orders Arrest of Spanish Ex-Officials’, The New York Times, 1 November 2014.Google Scholar
18.A general overview that I refer to for the following is offered by Laqueur, W. ([1998] 2012) A History of Terrorism (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers). A summary of post-Second World War developments can be found in W. F. Shughart II (2006) An analytical history of terrorism, 1945-2000. Public Choice, 128, pp. 7–39, which offers a chronological approach distinguishing three different phases, national-liberationist, left-wing ideological and Islamic that do not fit the Spanish profile.Google Scholar
19.Colonial wars seem to be here acting as divide lines, with the substitution of terrorism for a ‘National liberation’ rhetoric. Among the inspiring references there stands out the work of Franz Fanon, transforming accusations of terrorism into arguments dignifying self-defence. See on Fanon and violence, R. J. Bernstein (2013) Violence: Thinking without Banisters (London, Polity Press), pp. 105–127. On the other hand, however, notorious assumptions of terrorist self-portrayal were rhetorically deployed in the West by contemporary radical Civil Rights activists such as Malcolm X, who did not resort to violent activities. See Malcolm X ([1971] 1989) The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X. B. Karim (ed.), (New York: Arcade).Google Scholar
20.Spanish-based terrorist organizations of the second half of twentieth century include the FRAP (Frente Revolucionario Antifascista Patriota) [Patriotic Anti-fascist Revolutionary Front] and GRAPO (Grupos de Resistencia Antifascista Primero de Octubre) [Groups of Anti-fascist Resistance 1 October] in the 1970s, of Communist and libertarian allegiance respectively, and Terra Lluire [Free Land, in Catalan] and Exercito Guerrilheiro do Povo Galego Ceive [Guerrilla Army of the Free People of Galicia, in Galician language], of regional nationalist outlooks, in the 1990s. Interestingly enough, ETA terrorists claimed since its beginnings to be the ‘heirs of the gudaris [freedom fighters from the Second Republic, in Basque language]’ from the 1930s. See G. Fernández Soldevilla (2014) Gudaris: el imaginario bélico de ETA y su opción por la violencia. In: D. Macías and F. Puell (eds), David contra Goliat: guerra y asimetría en la Edad Contemporánea (Madrid: Instituto Universitario General Gutiérrez Mellado), pp. 303–323.Google Scholar
21.On the 1848 revolutions see Sperber, J. (1994) The European Revolutions, 1848-1851 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), and M. Rapport (2000) 1848: Year of Revolution (London: Little Brown).Google Scholar
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23.See on Spanish confessional assumptions since the very origins of Liberalism Portillo, J. M. (2000) Revolución de Nación. Orígenes de la cultura constitucional en España, 1780-1812 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales), For a wider nineteenth-century perspective on the complex relations between citizenship and confessional identity, see G. Alonso (2013) The limits of the national community: politico-religious spaces in the 1812 Spanish constitution and beyond. In: S. G. H. Roberts and A. Sharman (eds), 1812 Echoes: The Cádiz Constitution in Hispanic History, Culture and Politics (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing), pp. 50–68. Eastern European territories added nationalism as a relevant ideological source of terrorist activity in the nineteenth century; Spain would catch up on that later in the twentieth century.Google Scholar
24.I refer here to the works by Juan Donoso Cortés, whose ‘Speech on dictatorship’ would inspire Carl Schmitt’s defence of Nazi legitimacy. See on Donoso Cortés in the stream of reactionary thought Spektorowski, A. (2002) Maistre, Donoso Cortés, and the legacy of Catholic authoritarianism. Journal of the History of Ideas, 63(2), pp. 283–302. On Carl Schmitt in the wake of neoCatholic outlooks, G. Balakrishnan (2002) The Enemy: An Intellectual Portrait of Carl Schmitt (London: Verso).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
25.A cogent reflection, both theoretical and historical, on this issue is given in Pizzorno, A. (1987) Politics unbound. In: C.S. Maier (ed.), Changing Boundaries of the Political (Essays on the Evolving Balance between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 27–62.Google Scholar
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31.An illustrative case is sixteenth-century France. See an overview in Holt, M. P. (1995) The French Wars of Religion, 1562-1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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60.Extermination practices in the Spanish Civil War have started to be documented and analysed by experts. The most comprehensive account to the moment is by reputed hispanist Paul Preston: see Preston, P. (2012) The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth Century Spain (London: Harper Collins). Some ideologues among the Fascist party Falange tended to reject or disregard Catholic beliefs; however, many still identified with traditional religion.Google Scholar
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