Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-ndw9j Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-14T05:57:06.771Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Voting after Watching: The Strategic Role of Election Polls

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 March 2012

Sergiu Gherghina
Affiliation:
Department of International Data Infrastructure, GESIS – Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, Unter Sachsenhausen 6-8, Office B112, 50667 Koln, Germany. Email: sergiulor@yahoo.com
Mihail Chiru
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Central European University, Nador ut. 9, 1051 Budapest, Hungary

Abstract

The November 2009 Romanian presidential elections illustrate the process through which media exposure to exit polls during the election day allows strategic voting in the least expected situations (i.e. in the first round of a two-ballot setting). Organized in a two-round system in which the first two competitors qualify for the second round, these elections display one unsolved dilemma. The difference registered in elections between the two challengers is twice as large as the average support in the pre-election polls (a comparable difference was never registered in post-communist Romania). Our quantitative analysis uses election results from the past two decades and aggregated poll data from 2009 and reveals that a large share of the Romanian electorate avoids wasting votes and casts them for candidates with real winning chances. This article argues that polls presented to the voters, by the media during the elections, made the difference. They were used as electoral strategies to trigger strategic voting and thus promote specific candidates.

Type
Focus: Knowledge Management in Contemporary Europe
Copyright
Copyright © Academia Europaea 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

References and Notes

1.Dalton, R.J. (2000) The decline of party identifications. In R.J. Dalton and M.P. Wattenberg (eds) Parties Without Partisans. Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 1936.Google Scholar
2.Mair, P. and van Biezen, I. (2001) Party membership in twenty European democracies. Party Politics, 7(1), pp. 521.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3.Bartolini, S. and Mair, P. (1990) Identity, Competition, and Electoral Availability. The Stabilisation of European Electorates 1885–1985 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
4.McAllister, I. and Studlar, D.T. (1991) Bandwagon, underdog, or projection? Opinion polls and electoral choice in Britain, 1979–1987. Journal of Politics, 53, pp. 720741.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5.Nadeau, R., Cloutier, E. and Guay, J.-H. (1993) New evidence about the existence of a bandwagon effect in the opinion formation process. International Political Science Review, 14, pp. 203213.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
6.Kenney, P.J. and Rice, T.W. (1994) The psychology of political momentum. Political Research Quarterly, 47, pp. 923938.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
7.Mehrabian, A. (1998) Effects of poll reports on voter preferences. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 28, pp. 21192130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
8.Irwin, G.A. and van Holsteyn, J.J.M. (2000) Bandwagons, underdogs, the Titanic, and the Red Cross: the influence of public opinion polls on voters. Presented at IPSA World Congress.Google Scholar
9.Popkin, S.L. (1991) The Reasoning Voter. Communication and Persuasion in Presidential Campaigns (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10.Donsbach, W. (2001) Who's Afraid of Election Polls? Normative and Empirical Arguments for the Freedom of Pre-Election Surveys (Amsterdam/Lincoln: ESOMAR/WAPOR).Google Scholar
11.Duverger, M. (1951) Les partis politiques (Paris: Colin).Google Scholar
12.Sartori, G. (1997) Comparative Constitutional Engineering: An Inquiry into Structures, Incentives and Outcomes (New York: New York University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
13.Bartels, L.M. (1988) Presidential Primaries and the Dynamics of Public Choice (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
14. The goal of the article is beyond the difference between strategic voters and cue-takers. The mechanism that we aim to reveal functioned for both categories for distinct reasons. Whereas the latter do not concern us directly, we wanted to reveal the complexity of the created situation.Google Scholar
15.Fleitas, D.W. (1971) Bandwagon and underdog effects in minimal information elections. American Political Science Review, 55, pp. 434438.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
16.Ceci, S.J. and Cain, E.L. (1982) Jumping on the bandwagon with the underdog: the impact of attitude polls on polling behaviour. Public Opinion Quarterly, 46, pp. 228242.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
17.Marsh, C. (1984) Back on the bandwagon: the effect of opinion polls on public opinion. British Journal of Political Science, 15, pp. 5174.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18.Cox, G. (1997) Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination in the World's Electoral Systems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19.Schmitt-Beck, R. (1996) Mass-media, the electorate, and the bandwagon. A study of communication effects on vote choice in Germany. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 8(32), pp. 266291.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
20.Noelle-Neumann, E. (1977) The dual climate of opinion: the influence of television in the 1976 West German federal election. In M. Kaase and K. von Beyme (eds) Elections and Parties: German Political Studies (Beverly Hills: Sage), pp. 137170.Google Scholar
21. Unlike the president and the liberal candidate, the social-democrats, due to the obvious communicational disadvantages of their candidate wanted to avoid a direct confrontation. For this reason, they chose first not to participate in the Cluj debate, which opposed Basescu to Anonescu, and then to dilute the final meeting by inviting as many candidates as possible. This latter strategy failed, and the discussion took place, two days before the polls opened, only between Basescu, Geoana and Antonescu.Google Scholar
22. Antonescu officially announced his candidature only after winning the presidency of his party at the National Congress held in March. However, the pollsters asked the people in their sample about the ‘liberal candidate’ since January, mentioning both Calin Popescu Tariceanu (the former Prime-Minister and party president at the moment) and Crin Antonescu.Google Scholar
23. The actual results for the first round were: Basescu: 32.44%, Geoana 31.15%, Antonescu 20.02%.Google Scholar
24. In the avalanche of election polls, one could hardly distinguish these differences. By comparing the 50 collected polls, we can conclude that the four institutes that conducted exit polls during election days predicted the results quite accurately.Google Scholar
25. The turnout during elections was similar to the one reported during the polls prior to 22 November.Google Scholar
26.Hallin, D.C. and Mancini, P. (2004) Comparing Media Systems. Three Models of Media and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
27. The only sanction was a fine from the National Audio-visual Council. Antena 3 did the same in the second round, presenting the exit polls on the ‘Sinteza Zilei’ show, before the closure of the voting stations.Google Scholar