Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
When the International Court of Justice (ICJ) released its advisory opinion regarding the legality of Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) on 22 July 2010, Serbia was not the only State to express its dissatisfaction with the outcome. The broader significance of the ICJ's finding that Kosovo's UDI in 2008 did not violate international law has profound relevance for other States. The United States and its allies claim that Kosovo's situation is unique and does not serve as precedent, but other nations facing separatist movements within their own borders may have reason to be concerned.
1 Accordance with International Law of the UDI in Respect of Kosovo, No. 2010/25, Advisory Opinion, 2010 I.C.J. 141 (July 22) (finding that (a) Kosovo's declaration of independence does not violate international law, (b) Kosovo's declaration of independence does not violate UN Security Council Resolution 1244, and (c) independence does not violate the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government), available at http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=4&k=21&case=141&code=kos&p3=4 (last visited 15 Aug. 2010) [hereinafter Kosovo Decision].Google Scholar
2 See Violeta Hyseni & Mark Lowen, Serbia and Kosovo React to ICJ Ruling, BBC, July 22, 2010, available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-10733676; see also P.D., To Recognise or not to Recognise, The Economist, July 29, 2010, http://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2010/07/reactions_icj_kosovo_ruling (last visited 12 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
3 Unlike the United States system of Stare Decisis, ICJ decisions are not binding precedent. However, the opinions have influence on whether nations recognize the holding as a general principle of law, which courts can interpret as international law along with other criteria, see Statute of the International Court of Justice, Art. 38 (to decide disputes in accordance with international law, the Court shall apply: (a) international conventions, whether general or particular, establishing rules expressly recognized by the contesting states; (b) international custom, as evidence of a general practice accepted as law; (c) the general principles of law recognized by civilized nations; (d) subject to the provisions of Article 59, judicial decisions and the teachings of the most highly qualified publicists of the various nations, as subsidiary means for the determination of rules of law). For the entire statute, see http://www.icj-cij.org/documents/index.php?p1=4&p2=2&p3=0#CHAPTER_II (15 August 2010).Google Scholar
4 Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said on February 18, 2008, during the announcement of the United States’ recognition of Kosovo's independence, “The unusual combination of factors found in the Kosovo situation – including the context of Yugoslavia ‘s breakup, the history of ethnic cleansing and crimes against civilians in Kosovo, and the extended period of UN administration – are not found elsewhere and therefore make Kosovo a special case. Kosovo cannot be seen as a precedent for any other situation in the world today.” For the entire speech, see http://tirana.usembassy.gov/08pr_0219.html (last visited on August 6, 2010).Google Scholar
5 See Patrick Worsnip, Court's Kosovo ruling could Resonate Around Globe, Reuters, July 22, 2010, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE66L59120100722 (last visited 6 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
6 See supra note 2 and accompanying text.Google Scholar
7 See Patrick Goodenough, As Separatists Welcome Int'l Court Kosovo Opinion, US Insists it's Not Applicable Elsewhere, CNS News, July 23, 2010, available at http://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/69848 (last visited 8 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
8 Worsnip, supra note 5.Google Scholar
9 This article focuses on the politics regarding the international reaction to the ICJ Advisory Opinion, but it is important to note that the opinion will not become international law until there is widespread, consistent state-action performed based on the belief that the action is required by international law; in customary international law, opinio juris and state practice are necessary to establish a legally binding custom. Opinio juris, specifically, refers to a sense on behalf of a state that it is bound to the law in question; see ICJ Statute, supra note 3, Article 38(1)(b), (the custom to be applied must be “accepted as law”).Google Scholar
10 Kosovo is currently recognized by 69 United Nations Member States, including the United States and 22 EU states. For a complete list or more up to the date information, please visit http://www.kosovothanksyou.com/ (last visited 6 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
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12 S.C. Res. 1244, United Nations Doc. S/RES/1244, Security Council Resolutions 1999 (June 10, 1999), See Taipei, Taiwan recognizes Kosovo in move likely to anger China, Reuters, Feb. 20, 2008, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTP33781020080220.Google Scholar
13 See Borgen, supra note 11.Google Scholar
14 United National Office of the Special Envoy for Kosovo, The Comprehensive proposal for Kosovo Status Settlement: Report of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Kosovo's future status, U.N. Doc. S/2007/168 (Mar. 26, 2007), available at http://www.unosek.org/docref/report-english.pdf (last visited 10 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
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24 See Michael Stott, Russia's Chechen Rebels Hail Kosovo Independence, Reuters, Feb. 18, 2008, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSL1838576020080218 (Chechnya first began drawing analogies between its situation and that of Kosovo after Kosovo's 2008 UDI).Google Scholar
25 Brendan Fogarty, Chechnya Redux? Violent Conflict in Ingushetia, 31 Harvard Int'l R. 8 (Winter 2010).Google Scholar
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27 Dmitry Medvedev, Why I had to Recognise Georgia's Breakaway Regions, Financial Times, Aug. 26, 2008, available at http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article20628.htm.Google Scholar
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29 Clinton promises ‘steadfast’ US support for Georgia, BBC News, July 5, 2010, available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10504732.Google Scholar
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34 See John Chan, Kosovo independence brings new uncertainties in Asia, Uyghur News, Feb. 22, 2008, available at http://www.uyghurnews.com/canadian/Read.asp?UighurNews=kosovo-independence-brings-new-uncertainties-in-asia&ItemID=BV-3152008550472929493997 (After Kosovo's 2008 declaration of independence, Uyghur News published an article discussing the hope Kosovo's example set for some separatist movements, as well as China's responses to quiet the potential unrest).Google Scholar
35 For an excellent editorial on the impact of the ICJ Kosovo opinion on Taiwan, see ICJ, Kosovo and Taiwan's future, Taiwan News, Aug. 3, 2010, at 6, available at http://www.etaiwannews.com/etn/news_content.php?id=1330828&lang=eng_news&cate_img=46.jpg&cate_rss=news_Editorial.Google Scholar
36 See Beijing's Closed Politics Hinders New Diplomacy, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Sept. 12, 2004, available at http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=15836.Google Scholar
37 See Taipei, Taiwan recognizes Kosovo in move likely to anger China, Reuters, Feb. 20, 2008, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTP33781020080220.Google Scholar
38 Kosovo Decision, at 19 (addressing scope and meaning of question put forth by General Assembly and decided by the ICJ).Google Scholar
39 See Enric Martínez-Herrera & Thomas Jeffrey Miley, The Constitution and the Politics of National Identity in Spain, 16 Nations and Nationalism 6, 7 (2010).Google Scholar
40 Id. at 8.Google Scholar
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45 See Morag Goodwin, From Province to Protectorate to State? Speculation on the Impact of Kosovo's Genesis upon the Doctrine of International Law, 8 German Law Journal 1 (2007), available at http://www.germanlawjournal.com/pdfs/Vol08No01/PDF_Vol_08_No_01_1-20_SI_Goodwin.pdf (“So the argument runs, where a State is oppressive or refuses to allow for any form of internal self-determination, the principle of territorial integrity might be pushed aside and the right of a people to self-determination may justify unilateral secession.”), see also ‘safeguard clause’ of the 1970 Declaration in the 1993 Vienna Declaration, United Nations World Conference on Human Rights, Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, (14–25 June 1993) 32 ILM 1661, 1665, available online at http://www.unhchr.ch/huridocda/huridoca.nsf/(symbol)/a.conf.157.23.en (discussing where a state fails to provide meaningful autonomy where States fail “to conduct… themselves in compliance with the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples… [being] thus possessed of a government representing the whole people belonging to the territory without distinction as to race, creed, or colour.”).Google Scholar
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50 See Ferran Requejo, Revealing the dark side of traditional democracies in plurinational societies: the case of Catalonia and the Spanish ‘Estado de las Autonomías, 16 Nations and Nationalism 148, 155, 159–60 (2010) (discussing the reform of the Statute of Catalonia). See also Salvador Garcia-Ruiz, The Spanish Constitutional Court ruling on the Catalan Statute and its political implications, Collectiu Emma, July 1, 2010, available at http://emmacol-cat.blogspot.com/2010/07/spanish-constitutional-court-ruling-on.html (last visited 10 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
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52 Id. See also A Nationality, not a Nation: The constitutional court limits Catalonia's powers, The Economist, July 3, 2010, at 50, available at http://www.economist.com/node/16490065?story_id=16490065 (last visited 14 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
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55 Martínez-Herrera, supra note 39, at 9.Google Scholar
56 See supra note 47 (“She [Deputy Prime Minister De la Vega] said that any kind of parallel drawn between the situation between Serbia and Kosovo and between Spain and Catalonia is ‘unrealistic.”').Google Scholar
57 See The Hague Portal, ICJ rules on Kosovo's Declaration of Independence: The International Court of Justice finds that the declaration of independence of Kosovo did not violate international law, Hague Academic Coalition, July 22, 2010, available at http://www.haguejusticeportal.net/smartsite.html?id=11906 (also notes that the ICJ initially considered the legality of declarations of the prohibition of the use of force and principle of territorial integrity as confined to the relations between the States, also discusses the contrast of Kosovo's situation to previous ICJ condemnations of UDIs and how those cases were determined illegal in character because of their direct connection with unlawful use of force and other serious violations of international norms of jus cogens character). See also Kosovo Decision, supra note 1.Google Scholar
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59 Martínez-Herrera, supra note 39, at 14.Google Scholar
60 Id. at 15.Google Scholar
61 Id. Google Scholar
62 Id. Google Scholar
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69 See supra note 68 and accompanying text.Google Scholar
70 See Borgen, supra note 11 (cites the Russian Parliament's statement regarding the ICJ opinion as a reason for why separatist movements may cite the ICJ holding: “The right of nations to self-determination cannot justify recognition of Kosovo's independence along with the simultaneous refusal to discuss similar acts by other self-proclaimed states, which have obtained de facto independence exclusively by themselves); see also Nicholas Kulish and C.J. Chivers, Kosovo Is Recognized but Rebuked by Others, NY TIMES (Feb 19, 2008) available at http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/19/world/europe/19kosovo.html?pagewanted=2&hp.Google Scholar
71 Id. (“So long as the question of status and sovereignty and territorial integrity are clear, I think there are plenty of things these two governments can constructively talk about…”).Google Scholar
72 To view the official statements of the countries who recognize Kosovo, please see Kosovo Thanks You, available at http://www.kosovothanksyou.com/ (last visited 15 Aug. 2010).Google Scholar
73 Borgen, supra note 11.Google Scholar
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75 Steven Woehrel, Serbia: Current Issues and UNITED STATES Policy, 7-5700, RS22601 Congressional Research Service (Report for Congress), 2, 7 (12 April 2010), available at http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/142747.pdf (discussing Serbia's path to the EU and how progress of Serbia's integration into the EU has been hindered by a failure to arrest remaining indicted independence of Serbia's Kosovo province).Google Scholar
76 Id. at 7.Google Scholar
77 Id. Google Scholar
78 Id. at 7; see also EU Official Statement, supra note 74.Google Scholar
79 See Goodwin, supra note 45, at 17 (discussing the support for either sovereignty or an independent Kosovo (citing Martti Koskenniemi, The Police in the Temple—Order, Justice and the U.N.: A Dialectical View 6 EJIL 334 (1995); Jason A. Beckett, Rebel Without a Cause? Koskenniemi and the Critical Legal Project, 7 German Law Journal 1045 (2006); available at http://www.germanlawjournal.com/pdf/Vol07No12/PDF_Vol_07_No_12_1045-1088_SI_Beckett.pdf, commenting on Koskenniemi's work in this area).Google Scholar
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81 See Warning Light on Kosovo, supra note 64 (“Current United States policy relies on the unconvincing claim that Kosovo is ‘unique’ and would set no precedent for other troublespots. Of course every conflict has unique characteristics. However, ethnic and religious minorities in other countries already are signaling their intention to follow a Kosovo example.”).Google Scholar
82 Id. (“Recognition of Kosovo's independence without Serbia's consent would set a precedent with far-reaching and unpredictable consequence for many other regions of the world.”).Google Scholar