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Game of Values: The Threat of Exclusive Constitutional Identity, the EU and Hungary

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2019

Zsolt Körtvélyesi  and
Balázs Majtényi

Abstract

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There is an increasing, or increasingly visible, societal trend in the EU and beyond—often followed by constitutional changes—that challenges inclusive constitutional values. The discourses underlying these changes emphasize the inviolability of national identity and redefine it with a strong reliance on exclusive constitutional values. This Article asserts that exclusive constitutional values—that are defined as values that question the moral equality of some members of the community—necessarily shrink the room for inclusive values, and a critical mass of exclusive values can lead to a hallowing out of a democratic order, both on the national and on the supranational level. The Article presents Hungary as a case where the populist-exclusivist elements of political rhetoric—that are also present elsewhere—became part of constitutional law and have transformed the political system. The case study shows how the redefinition of Member States' constitutional identities, along recent societal trends and exclusive constitutional values, could clash with the inclusive values of the European Union and relegate European institutions to the position of “the Other,” thereby endangering constitutional democracy. In particular, the Article shows how the rule praising and recognizing diverse Member State constitutional identities can work to embolden the already strong trend to challenge inclusive constitutional values.

Type
Special Issue Constitutional Identity in the Age of Global Migration
Information
German Law Journal , Volume 18 , Issue 7: Special Issue: Constitutional Identity in the Age of Global Migration , 01 December 2017 , pp. 1721 - 1744
Copyright
Copyright © 2017 by German Law Journal, Inc. 

References

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9 This is not meant to challenge attempts to distinguish these concepts in other contexts. For us here, however, it would not make a difference for the values we are interested in can be analyzed equally as part of constitutional or Member State or national identity of a country. The constitutional aspects of identity are but one dimension of the broader notion of “national identity.” In social sciences, the overuse and the ambiguity of the term “identity” has long led to the observation that the terminology leads to obfuscation rather than conceptual clarity. See Brubaker, Rogers & Cooper, Frederick, Beyond “Identity”, 29 Theory & Soc'y 1 (2000). As we will see, the ambiguity that is a liability for analytic thinking as well as for law is an asset for politicians.Google Scholar

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19 We use the term “dominant” here to indicate that numerical majorities are not always in a dominant position and what is termed “majority” is often a construction of those in power. “Majority” in this sense is a shorthand reference for the interests best represented by those in power. We do not see equivalence between minority rights and “majority rights” to protect one's culture. See generally Orgad, Liav, The Cultural Defense of Nations. A Liberal Theory of Majority Rights (2015). If such a majority culture includes only inclusive elements, there seems to be no problem with protecting them constitutionally. If, however, this self-defense seeks to protect exclusive values, our argument applies, including the subversive potential of a critical mass of exclusivity. For the logical problem with the concept of “majority rights,” see Dworkin, Ronald, Taking Rights Seriously 194 (1978).Google Scholar

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33 This is not to question whether or not case law matters. Yet, court cases only show a small part of the changes on the constitutional terrain that might not even be representative—in this sense they might be worse than the “tip of the iceberg” from the size of which we can infer the size of the full iceberg.Google Scholar

34 For example, the Sayn-Witgenstein case is relevant and illuminating. See Case C-208/09, Ilonka Sayn-Wittgenstein v. Landeshauptmann von Wien, 2010 E.C.R. I-13693. The plaintiff with Austrian nationality was adopted by a German national whose surname contained a nobility title of “Fürst” (Prince) and the Austrian authorities eventually modified her name by removing the title. According to the Court it should be taken into account that the Law on the abolition of the nobility is an element of Austrian national identity. See, e.g., Bogdandy & Schill, supra note 32, at 1423–25.Google Scholar

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42 According to the government, the Fundamental Law “determines fundamental human rights in the spirit of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.” The Hungarian Government, The Fundamental Law, http://www.kormany.hu/en/hungary/the-hungarian-state/the-fundamental-law. For an overview, see Nóra Chronowski, The New Hungarian Fundamental Law in the Light of the European Union's Normative Values, 2012 Revue Est Europa (Special Issue No. 1) 111.Google Scholar

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50 It is in this sense that the anti-constitutionalist elements—implied in the self-label of the PM, “illiberal”—bring the Orbán regime to the point that the national identity identified by the government could be seen as an “anti-constitutional,” rather than constitutional, identity. For the understanding that by the insertion of anti-constitutionalist elements something ceases to be “constitutional” identity, see Pietro Faraguna's chapter in this volume. 18 German L.J. (2017). On a formal level, the Hungarian constitutional document does not call itself a constitution, but the Fundamental Law of Hungary. What is more important is that it is not a “non-constitutional,” but “anti-constitutional” constitution. Without lamenting whether there is a possible middle ground for “non-constitutional”—that is neither constitutional, nor anti-constitutional—the Hungarian case is example for an anti-constitutional regime in that it explicitly challenges basic tenets of constitutionalism, most importantly declaring a war on independent institutions that could serve as internal checks.Google Scholar

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The question is whether the same spirit, civilization, culture, way of thinking will define the character of European countries than during the times of our parents and grand-parents, or something completely different. This is at stake with migration …. We … want to conserve the foundations of Europe. We don't want parallel societies, we don't want to exchange populations and we don't want to replace Christian civilization with a different one. This is why we build fences, we protect ourselves and we don't allow migrants to flood us.Google Scholar

Ottó Gajdics, Magyarországon most a kampány főpróbája zajlik [We Witness Now the Rehearsal of the Campaign in Hungary], Magyar Idők (Apr. 15, 2017), http://magyaridok.hu/belfold/magyarorszagon-kampany-foprobaja-zajlik-1584190/.Google Scholar

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53 The Hungarian radical right extremists had labeled both groups—refugees and the Roma—as enemies even before the start of the hostile governmental policy against refugees. For instance, there were a series of murders targeting the Roma and refugees in 2008 and 2009; four men did an armed robbery in Besenyszög, fired shots on the refugee camp in Debrecen, and attacked Roma with arms and Molotov cocktails in nine settlements.Google Scholar

54 The relevant quote: Likewise, it is a historical feature of Hungary and a given—regardless of what anyone may think about it, whether one likes it or not – that it is home to hundreds of thousands of Roma. Someone, at some point in time, decided on this, and this is a situation which we have inherited.Google Scholar

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55 As an example: We are not talking about non-governmental organisations fighting to promote an important cause, but about paid activists from international organisations and their branch offices in Hungary. […] This is the transnational empire of George Soros, with its international heavy artillery and huge sums of money. […] the organisations of George Soros are working tirelessly to bring hundreds of thousands of migrants into Europe.Google Scholar

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, State of the Nation Address (Febr. 10, 2017), http://www.miniszterelnok.hu/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-state-of-the-nation-address-2/.Google Scholar

56 See Kriszta Kovács's chapter in this volume. 18 German L.J. (2017).Google Scholar

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58 Resolution 22/2016 (XII. 5.) of the Constitutional Court of Hungary, http://hunconcourt.hu/letoltesek/en_22_2016.pdf.Google Scholar

59 Id. at para. 67.Google Scholar

60 It is common to underline that the Hungarian populist turn is successful at least partly because the political moves are trying to predict what will work given the social preferences of dominant voting groups, most importantly (some would say, exclusively) the electorate that keeps FIDESZ in power. In the case of the anti-refugee campaign, the communication and the measures of the government seemed to meet with existing social sentiments.Google Scholar

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77 For an insightful commentary on the legal inconsistency and political context of the decisions filtering referendum initiatives, see, e.g., Zoltán Szente, The Controversial Anti-Migrant Referendum in Hungary Is Invalid, Const. Making & Const. Change (Oct. 10, 2016), http://constitutional-change.com/the-controversial-anti-migrant-referendum-in-hungary-is-invalid/.Google Scholar

78 For the term and the start of the trend, see Gábor Halmai, Unconstitutional Constitutional Amendments: Constitutional Courts as Guardians of the Constitution?, 19 Constellations 182 (2012).Google Scholar

79 FIDESZ is still member of the European People's Party and has a member in its presidency and a vice-chair in its EP group.Google Scholar

80 See Jack M. Balkin's argument that anything can become constitutionalized: “What is constitutional in one era becomes deconstitutionalized in another, and vice versa. Much depends on political entrepreneurs and how they express grievances.” For his summary on an exchange on his book, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (2011) see Balkin, Jack, Constitutional Televangelizing, Concurring Opinions (Aug. 3, 2011), https://concurringopinions.com/archives/2011/08/constitutional-televangelizing.html.Google Scholar

81 These are rounds of manipulative questionnaires, often combined with political campaigns, sent out to all citizens who then can decide to send them back marking their preferences for lower commodity prices or to defend the country from terrorists. For a detailed description of the ways in which the questionnaires violate the basic principles of polling, specificslly the open letter of social scientists, including leading Hungarian polling experts, see Social Scientists About the National Consultation (Apr. 30, 2015), https://www.peticiok.com/tarsadalomkutatok_a_nemzeti_konzultaciorol.Google Scholar

82 For the “troubles” that intermixing cause and the need for “ethnic homogeneity” for economic success, from Orbán, see Hungary's Orban: “Ethnic Homogeneity” Vital for Economic Success, DW (Mar. 1, 2017), http://www.dw.com/en/hungarys-orban-ethnic-homogeneity-vital-for-economic-success/a-37755766; Orbán Calls “Ethnic Homogeneity” a Key to Success, Euractiv.com (Mar. 1, 2017), https://www.euractiv.com/section/justice-home-affairs/news/orban-calls-ethnic-homogeneity-a-key-to-success/ (stating that the government “cannot risk changing the fundamental ethnic character of the country”).Google Scholar