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Some Old Unpublished Letters

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 November 2011

Preserved Smith
Preserved Smith
Affiliation:
Cambridge
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Extract

Perhaps the most remarkable collection of autograph letters in the world is that made by the late Frederic A. Dreer and now housed in the Pennsylvania Historical Society at 1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia. Among the several thousand letters, there are specimens of the writing of most of the famous people who have lived during the last four centuries. During various short visits at Philadelphia I have run through the whole collection and have copied fifty of the most important epistles written during the period before 1650. For, to my great surprise, a number of the most valuable have lain for all these centuries unknown.

Type
Research Article
Information
Harvard Theological Review , Volume 12 , Issue 2 , April 1919 , pp. 201 - 218
Copyright
Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 1919

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References

1 I can find nothing on him in Pastor, or Creighton, or Roscoe's Leo X, 1876. The words “de tui” indicate that he was a partisan of Peter.

2 I.e., “gli.”

3 A small town on the Arno between Florence and San Miniato.

4 According to the Roman and Florentine method of beginning the year on Lady Day, this would mean 1493. See A. Giry: Manuel de diplomatique, 1894, p. 127. According to Roscoe (Leo X, 1876, i. 25), John de' Medici had removed to Rome on March 12, 1492. Either he had just returned for a visit or Roscoe mistakes the date 1492 for 1493.

5 John de' Medici, born 1475, was made a priest at the age of 7 and given the red hat at 13. When he wrote this letter he was only 17.

6 Though this letter has no independent value as a source for Luther's last hours, it is interesting as one of the first accounts known to us. Eight letters on the same subject have been published by G. Kawerau in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1881, 1907, and 1913. On the literature of the subject see my Life of Luther, p. 470. Since that was written a good deal has come out. The most important texts have been published by J. Strieder: Authentische Berichte über Luthers letzte Lebensstunden, 1912. Two accounts of the death have recently been discovered in America, one published by Spaeth in Lutheran Church Review, April, 1910, believed by him to be by John Albrecht. The value of the document is denied by Strieder in Historische Vierteljahrschrift, xv, 1912, 379 ff. G. L. Burr published another account, found written in a Bible published 1546, and printed it in the American Historical Review, July, 1911. The author is unknown and the account worthless. See also Herderschee, J.: “Luther's Laatste Levensdagen,” Theologis. Tijdschrift, 51, 5 (1917).Google Scholar

7 Leonard Culmann (1497 or 1498–1562), a preacher at Nuremberg, where he defended the Osiandrian doctrines. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie.

8 Antony van Schore, or Schorus (1525–52), after studying at Strassburg matriculated at Heidelberg October 16, 1546, where, as this letter informs us, he began tutoring other youths. He published works on philosophy. Allge. Deu. Biog. Evidently at this time he did not speak High German, but only Dutch.

9 On this conference at Ratisbon, opened January 27, see Pastor: History of the Popes, English, xii, 278 ff.

10 “Kaiserliche Majestät,” i.e., Charles V.

11 Julius von Pflug (1499–1564), a moderate Catholic, elected Bishop of Naumburg 1541, but not installed until 1547. He declined the presidency of the conference, offered him by Charles.

12 The Council of Trent opened with a passionate dispute between the pope and the delegates. See Pastor: History of the Popes, English translation, xii, 1914, chap. 6. This led to the expectation that the pope would transfer the council to Rome, Bologna, or Mantua.

13 An ecclesiastical officer often called the Lutheran equivalent of the bishop.

14 Christopher Fabri or Libertetus, often spoken of as Farel's colleague at Neuchâtel. He succeeded Farel after his death. See La France Frotestante. He had gone to Geneva; see Calvin's answer, June 15, Calvini Opera, xiv, 133. On April 27, Farel speaks of a “colleague” suddenly leaving; ibid, xiv, 112.

15 Sic for “sessione,” referring to the session of the Synod of Neuchâtel held in March, on which cf. letters of that date.

16 James Bernard, formerly guardian of the Franciscans of Rive, who had become Protestant before Calvin's arrival in Geneva. He was a special friend of Farel, who blessed his marriage in August, 1535. Doumergue: Jean Calvin, ii, 129.

He had done something to offend Calvin and now wished to be reconciled. Farel here intercedes for him quite passionately. Calvin replied on June 15 (Opera, xiv, 133): “Quod ad nostrum amicum νεοπαλαιὸν spectat, ego vero eum, ut mones et hortaris, sedulo fovebo, et collegis meis ero autor ut idem faciant. Sed crede mihi, nihil sincerum apparet.” See the whole passage. The editor, not knowing to whom Calvin refers, cautiously suggests Perrinus, but must be corrected by this new letter.

17 Sic for munia, a spelling found elsewhere.

18 Sic; one might expect optare.

19 I.e., they are all treating Bernard well, as Farel wishes Calvin to do, in order not to alienate him again.

20 I.e., of Veigy, a town near Geneva. Bolsec is spoken of as “the monk” by Farel on June 29 (Calvini Opera, xiv, 143), and is meant here. Jerome Hermes Bolsec (†1585), a Carmelite monk of Paris, whence he went to Ferrara and there became almoner of the Duchess Renée. In 1551 he went to Veigy and then to Geneva, where he quarreled with Calvin, though he had previously embraced the Reformed religion, was first imprisoned and then banished. See Walker, W.: John Calvin, 1906, pp. 815 ffGoogle Scholar; Fazy, H.: Procès de Bolsec in Memoires de l'lnst. nat. génevois, x, 1866.Google Scholar

21 In his letter of June 29 (see last note), Farel writes: “Non sperassem tantam mutationem in utroque Francisco: sed sanandos credo. De monacho parum spei est.” The editor informs us that one of these Francisci was Sampaulinus, the other he does not know.

22 Peter Viret (1511–71), pastor at Lausanne.

23 “That bladder,” a term of contempt often used by Luther; children's rattles were made of them. Luther's Correspondence, ii, 107.

24 Leon and Germain Colladon, who came to Geneva in August, 1550 (La France Protestante). Farel's spelling is wrong but found elsewhere.

25 It is possible that this is a reference to Ronsard, whose Odes appeared 1550, and to his protector Margaret of Savoy. But it is more probable that Farel was thinking of Margaret of Navarre, who died 1549, and had been a protector of the “Libertins”; see Walker's Calvin. Rabelais was one of those who claimed her protection, and who had just been branded by Calvin in his De Scandalis, 1550. See Thuasne, L.: Études sur Rabelais, 1904, pp. 402 ff.Google Scholar; Calvini Opera, viii, 45; Doumergue: Jean Calvin, i, 376.

26 This seems to be Farel's spelling, like the Italian and modern English; the usual Latin form was birretum.

27 Bucer died at Cambridge, February 27, 1551. Farel had already spoken of his death, April 27, Calvini Opera, xiv, 112. Calvin's reply to Farel of June 15 has in mind what Farel here says, ibid, xiv, 133, and note.

28 Used as a comparative, perhaps permissible.

29 So underlined by Farel.

30 One of Calvin's colleagues at Geneva, Laurent de Normandie, born at Noyon c. 1510, came to Geneva 1548, died 1569. Cf. Doumergue, : Calvin, Jean, iii, 1905, pp. 620 ff.Google Scholar

31 I.e., “a model,” a classical use, rather startling with gregis, possibly due to a confused reminiscence of the Virgilian “formosi pastor gregis.”

32 Cf. Acts 26 14.

33 Who this colleague was I cannot determine.

34 I.e., Calvin himself.

35 See the Chaldee Paraphrases in the Targum, printed in Walter's Polyglott. As my father, the Rev. Prof. Henry Preserved Smith, kindly informs me, the Targum of Jonathan at this point reads: “Dixit Jacob quando vidit Gedeonem filium Joas et Simsonem filium Manoe, qui futuri erant liberatores: Non liberationem Simsonis ego perspicio, quia liberatio temporalis fuit; sed ego salutem tuam expecto et perspicio, Domine, quia Liberatio tua liberatio saeculorum.” The Jerusalem Targum reads: “Dixit pater noster Jacob: Non redemptionem Gedeonis filii Joas expectat anima mea, quae est temporalis; neque redemptionem Samsonis quae est salus create; sed redemptionem quam dixisti verbo tuo venturam esse populo tuo filiis Israel, hanc redemptionem expectat anima mea.” It will be seen that Forster had a different text before him. How far it was colored by himself, and how far it represents a genuine new reading, must be left to critics to determine.

36 Zwickau.

37 I cannot identify this Wolfgang. Probably the Album Academiae Vitebergensis, ed. C. E. Förstemann, 1841, would do this, but there is not a copy of the work to be found in America.

38 In the second volume of Luther's Correspondence, p. 177, n. 2, I mistakenly stated that the book was given by Luther to Melanchthon, instead of the other way. I was perhaps misled by Luther's assertion, “I bought a Homer to become a Greek.” Did he buy it from Melanchthon, or did he have two copies?