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To Sabbatize in Peace: Jews and New Christians in Sixteenth-Century Portuguese Polemics*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 June 2011

Frank Talmage
Frank Talmage
Affiliation:
University of Toronto
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Extract

E. H. Carr's injunction that “when we take up a work of history, our first concern should be not with the facts which it contains but with the historian who wrote it” is well justified by the current state of research in the field of Iberian cryptojudaism and its subsequent development outside the peninsula. As in the study of Iberian history itself, vested interests, strong personal biases, and allegiances to national or partisan schools of historiography have frequently stood in the way of dispassionate inquiry into the subject and led to polarizaton and obfuscation. Over and above this, fruitful study has been impeded by the “blind-men-and-the-elephant” fallacy.

Type
Research Article
Information
Harvard Theological Review , Volume 74 , Issue 3 , July 1981 , pp. 265 - 285
Copyright
Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 1981

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References

1 Carr, E. H., What is History? (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1964) 22Google Scholar. The literature on the subject is vast and constantly growing. See Baron, S. W., Social and Religious History of the Jews (17 vols. to date; New York/Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society and Columbia University, 1952-) 13Google Scholar. 3–158, 303–88; 15. 161–373, 452–550.

For a schematic review of the various historiographic positions, see Novinsky, Anita, Cristãos novos na Bahia (São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1972)Google Scholar. Cf. also Ortiz, Antonio Domínguez, “Historical Research on Spanish Conversos in the Last Fifteen Years,” in Hornik, M. P., ed., Collected Studies in Honour of Americo Castro's 80th Year (London: Oxford University, 1965) 63–82Google Scholar and Francisco Márquez Villanueva, ”The Converso Problem: An Assessment,” ibid., 317–34. A clear exposition is found in Yerushalmi, Y. H., From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto (New York/London: Columbia University, 1971) 21–31Google Scholar. See more recently Nahon, Gérard, “Les Marranes espagnols et portugais et les communautés juives issues du marranisme dans l'histori-ographie récente (1960–1975),” REJ 136 (1977) 297–367Google Scholar; on Portugal, 315–19.

2 On the history of the Jews in Portugal, see inter alia Meyer Kayserling, História dos judeus em Portugal (trans. G. B. Corrêa de Silva and Anita Novinsky; São Paulo: Pioneira, 1971). The original German edition of 1871 has been updated bibliographically by Professor Novinsky. On the differences between the histories of cryptojudaism in Portugal and Spain, see the Prolegom-enon of Y. H. Yerushalmi to the reprint ed. of Herculano, Alexandre, History of the Origin and Establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal (trans. Branner, J. C.; New York: Ktav, 1972) 7–55Google Scholar. For examples of the treatment of Spanish and Portuguese New Christians ('ănûsîm) ín Hebrew literature, see Assaf, Simhah, “ănûsê Sěpārad uPôrtûgal běsiprût hattěšûbôt,” Zion 5 (1932/1933) 19–60Google Scholar; Zimmels, H. J., Die Marranen in der rabbinischen Literatur (Berlin: R. Mass, 1932)Google Scholar. On the difficulty of generalizing about the conversos, see Pullan, B. S., “The Inquisition and the Jews of Venice: The Case of Gaspare Ribeiro, 1580–1581,” BJRL 62 (1979) 230Google Scholar.

3 See the review of the debate between Révah and Saraiva in Nahon, Gérard, “Les Sephard-im, les Marranes, les inquisitions péninsulaires et leurs archives dans les travaux récents de I.-S. Révah,” RE] 132 (1973) 38–44Google Scholar and the bibliography listed there.

4 Barros, João de, Diálogo evangélico (=DE) (Lisbon: Studium, 1950) xxiiiGoogle Scholar.

5 Ibid., xxvi. Of interest in this connection is the sixteenth-century Portuguese translation of the liturgy partly published by Salomon, H. P., “The ‘Last trial’ in Portuguese,” Studi sull-ebraismo italiano in memoria di Cecil Roth (ed. Toaff, Elio; Rome: Barulli, 1974) 161–83Google Scholar. Salomon argues plausibly that the translation was not made for the use of New Christians in Portugal but for those “returning” to Judaism in Italy (180–81).

6 Closely related to this literature are the auto-da-fé sermons which have been carefully analyzed by Glaser, Edward in “Portuguese Sermons at Autos-da-Fé: Introduction and Bibliography,” Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 2 (1955) 53–78Google Scholar, and “Invitation to Intolerance: A Study of the Portuguese Sermons Preached at Autos-da-fé,” HUCA 27 (1956) 327–85Google Scholar.

The archives of the Inquisition present problems of their own. It is unfortunate that study of the Iberian inquisitorial archives has been limited to the question of cryptojudaism when it is capable of yielding information on other, perhaps more vital questions. The type of work done with the records of the medieval Occitanian inquisition (see, e.g., Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, Montaillou, village occitan de 1294 à 1324 [Paris: Gallimard, 1975]Google Scholar; abridged English version: Montaillou, The Promised Land of Error [New York: Vintage Books, 1979])Google Scholar has not been undertaken with the Iberian archives. For imaginative use of the archives in biography, see Gilman, Stephen, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas (Princeton: Princeton University, 1972)Google Scholar.

7 I.-S. Révah in his DE, xxv-xxvi. One of the few texts, B.N.L. MS Illuminados 47, written during the reign of Dom Dinis (1297–1325), has regrettably been missing since 1948.

8 On the nature and availability of anti-Jewish literature in the peninsula in this period, see Pontes, J. M. da Cruz, Estudo para uma edicao crítica do Livro da Corte Enperial (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, 1957) 35–62Google Scholar; on Portugal in particular, 62–76.

9 B.N.L. MS Fundo Geral 6967. The MS contains sixty-seven folios foliated in Roman numerals by the scribe. These are preceded by one blank folio, one with a table of contents written by the scribe, another blank leaf, and two more leaves on which is written a will in Latin dated E´vora, 17 September 1545. There are one folio with notes in Latin and two blank folios at the end. The MS is written on paper measuring 24.6 × 36 cm. with two columns per page, each 7.7 x 25.3 cm. There are thirty-two lines per column. Chapter headings, foliation, etc., are in red. In the margins, there are notes which appear to belong to the original text as well as some added by a later hand and others by a twentieth-century hand in pencil. The script is a characteristic sixteenth-century Portuguese cursive and the MS shows signs of having been written hastily. It is bound in vellum. 10The reference works list no less than three Master Antónios among the physicians of John II. See Almeida, Fortunato de, História da igreja em Portugal (4 vols.; Oporto: Portucalense, 1967) 1. 396Google Scholar; Grande enciclopédia portuguesa brasileira (=GEPB), s.v. “António (Mestre)” (2. 839); Barbosa-Machado, Diogo, Bibliotheca lusitana (4 vols.; Lisbon, 1741Google Scholar; reprint ed., Coimbra: Atlântida, 1965) 1. 394. There seems, however, to be no evidence to support the identification of our author with any of these, especially if we accept the scribe's statement (see below) that the author was from Algarve. Two of the other Master Antónios were natives of Torres Novas and Guimarães respectively. The third was a resident of Arcila in Morocco. Until further information comes to light, a fourth Master António must be posited. On the account of our author's conversion, see Resende, Garcia de, Vida e feitas del Rey Dom loam Segundo (Lisbon, 1596) chap. 90, fol. 55rGoogle Scholar.

11 See Révah, DE, xvi.

12 The MS reads “Tavila.” On this spelling, cf. Acenheiro, C. R., Chrónicas dos Senhores Reis de Portugal (Lisbon, 1824) 321Google Scholar.

13 B.N.L. MS Fundo Geral 6967, fol. lr: “Em nome de Ih[es]u Ch[rist]o D[eu]s e homem nosso Saluador comecase ho catolyco liu[ro] chamado 'Ajuda.' Foi copilado por ho prud[en]te doctor em fisica o doctor m[estre] Antonyo cirorgiao moor delrrey Dom Joao ho segundo de Portugal e ho fez ho dito doutor q[ua]ndo se c[on]v[er]teo à fe de Chr[ist]o o anno de Ciiiilxxxvi Catolyco liu[ro] como se veraa p[er]a excele[n]cia da fee e cortesao falar e prude[n]te estilo como fyno portugues. E era natural do Algarue da cidade de Tavila. E ho treladou do p[ro]p[rio] original ho bacherel Chr[ist]ouam Roiz Acenheyro pro[curado]r em Eu[o]ra que ho tem helmente pera ho m[uy]to egregio prudente s[en]hor mestre P[edr]o Margalho mestre em sa[n]cta theologia e p[re]gador delrrey nosso s[enh]or Do[m] J[oa]o o terc[eir]o de Portugal. De v[er]bo a v[er]bo he o seguinte.”

14 Fol. 67r: “xxiii dabril de Cvxxxiiii acabado.” GEPB, s.v. “Acenheiro” (C.R.) (1. 227–28); Antonio, Nicolás, Bibliotheca hispana nova (=BHN) (2 vols.; Madrid, 1783) 1Google Scholar. 250–51; Dicion-ário de história de Portugal (=DHP) (Lisbon: Iniciativas Editoriais, 1961–71) 1Google Scholar. 17. His chroni-cals have been published under the title Chrónicas dos Senhores Reis de Portugal, in Vol. 5 of the Coleccāo de Inéditos de História Portugueza (Lisbon, 1824) 1–365Google Scholar.

15 See below.

16 GEPB, s.v. “Margalho (Pedro)” (16. 289); DHP 2. 925–26; F. de Almeida, Igreja, 2. 598, n. 9; 648; Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 1. 722; BHN 2. 213; Pimenta, Alberto, D. João III (Oporto: Tavares Martins, 1936) 283Google Scholar; Révah, I.-S., La censure inquisitoriale portugaise au XVIe siècle (Lisbon: Instituto de Alta Cultura, 1960) 21Google Scholar; Herculano, Origin, 292.

17 Pereira, Gabriel, Documentos históricos da cidade de Évora (Évora, 1887) 173–75, 177–79Google Scholar.

18 See below.

19 See below.

20 Tratado que fez mestre Hieronimo, medico do Papa Benedicto, 13, cötra os judeus: e que proua o Messias da ley ser vindo /Carta do primeiro Arcebispo de Goa ao pouo de Israel seguidor ainda da ley de Moises, & do Talmud por engano & malicia dos seus Rabis / Impres-so em Goa por loäo de Endem, por mandado do senhor Arcebispo da India.

21 BHN 1. 528; Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 2. 356–57; A. Pimenta, D. Joäo III, 215; Baiäo, António, A Inquisiçäo de Goa (Lisbon: Acadëmia das Ciências, 1945) 35Google Scholar; F. de Almeida, Igreja, 2. 702–3; GEPB, s.v. “Leäo (D. Gaspar)” (14. 789–90).

22 Cited from Baião, Goa, 50–51.

23 Letter of the Inquisitors to Lisbon, 23 December 1562, cited in Baião, Goa, 41–42.

24 “Oriente Conquistado a Jesu Christo pelos padres da Companhia de Jesu da Provincia de Goa, ordenada pelo padre Francisco de Sousa, religioso da mesma companhia,” A.N.T.T. MS da Livraria 695, cited in Baião, Goa, 36. Cf. Almeida, Fortunato de, História de Portugal (6 vols.; Coimbra, 1722–29) 3. 141–42Google Scholar.

25 Baião, Goa, 30–32.

26 See n. 24.

27 “Desengano de perdidos, em diálogo entre dois peregrinos, um cristão e um turco, que se encontraram entre Suez e Cairo, dividido em 3 partes, etc.” See Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 2. 356–57.

28 See below.

29 Tratado, fol. xvi verso.

30 Ibid., fol. v verso.

31 Baião, Goa, 17–19; Fischel, W. J., Hayyěhûdîm běHôdû (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1960) 33–35Google Scholar. On the Jews in Portuguese India in general, see Fischel, Hôdû, 15–65; on Hormuz and Malacca, idem, “New Sources for the History of the Jewish Diaspora in Asia in the 16th Century,” JQR, n.s. 40 (1949/1950) 370–99Google Scholar; “The Region of the Persian Gulf and its Jewish Settlements in Islamic Times,” Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume (New York: American Academy for Jewish Research, 1950) 208–10Google Scholar.

32 Fischel, Hôdû, 33–35.

33 On the classic example of Coge Abrahão, see Fischel, Hôdû, 35–38.

34 Manuel de Albuquerque in Antonio Baião et al., Historic da expansão portuguesa no mundo (2 vols.; Lisbon: Ática, 1937–1939) 2. 62Google Scholar. On Gaspar da Gama, see Fischel, Hôdû, 19–22; M. Kayserling, História dos judeus em Portugal, 139–40.

35 See above.

36 A.N.T.T. MS da Livraria 360. The text contains 253 folios on paper measuring 20.2 × 29.9 cm. (written area 13.5 × 23.4 cm). There are twenty-eight lines to a page. Fols. 254–59 are not bound into the codex and appear to be an insert or inserts into the body of the text rather than an appendix. They measure 18.7 × 26.8 cm. (written area 13.9 × 23.1 cm). There are two blank leaves at the beginning and three at the end. The MS has been foliated in pencil since I last examined it in August, 1973. It contains an original irregular foliation/pagination as follows: fols. 1–2 unnumbered; fols. 3–23 = pp. 13–50; fols. 24–29 unnumbered; fols. 30–37 = pp. 53–68; fols. 38–47 unnumbered; fols. 48–74 = pp. 34–60; fols 75–77 unnumbered; fols. 78–253 = pp. 64–433. The MS is written in an extraordinarily clear hand with sources and notes (with some Greek and badly corrupted Hebrew words) in the outer margins and the initials ABCD in the inner margins. Some pages have been stroked through in ink by the author while others have extensive additions in cursive script in the margins. Several pages are difficult to read because of blotting of the ink. The MS is bound in vellum.

37 Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 1. 692–93. GEPB, s.v. “Sá (Diogo de)” (26. 441).

38 Inquiry, fols. 2v-3r: “quasi arrepe[n]dido do emprego q[ue] ate agora fiz do tempo em sciencias prophanas; quis empregar o mais q[ue] da vida me ficaua e[m] mostrar aos Portugueses em sua lingoa os misteiros & segredos da fee & inquisicam della: pera que as outras naçoēs e[m] suas lingoas o conuertaõ, como e[m] todas as escripturas se fez sempre. E alem do muito que na obra se declara, me pareceo necessareo que a Vossa Alteza como a geral administrador nestes rreinos & como a taõ zelador de nossa sancta fee disese outras cousas pri[n]cipais que aos iudeus obstinados & a todo género de hereges confirmaõ em suas heresias & lhes deu sempre causa a entenderem mal a escriptura do velho testamento em que o nouo está taō figurado.”

39 A more thorough study of the “Inquiry,” if not indeed a critical edition, should be undertaken.

40 Révah, Censure, 34.

41 See DE, lxxvi-lxxvii.

42 “Inquiry,” fols. 21r, 58v and passim.

43 Cf. DE, lxxvi-lxxvii.

44 Fols. 233v, 238r, and passim.

45 For example, Isa 2:2 appears as (fol. 182r).

46 Fols. 58v, 164r.

47 While Sà values rabbinic literature for these reasons, he censures the “modern Jews” who “suppress” it so that its truth might not be known: “And because the modern Jews saw this translation [the Targum] to be so much in accord with the Catholic faith in that, where Christ is named in Scripture, he wrote ‘Messiah’ so that many Jews changed their religion and were convinced in their disputations—[therefore,] the rabbis of the Jews hid this translation and permit neither Jews nor Christians to see it” (E porque os iudeus modernos viraō esta tresladaçaō taō conforme ha fee catholica, & que onde na escriptura se nomea Christo, elle pos Messias: plo que muitos dos iudeus se conuertiaō ha fee & em suas disputas ficauaō conuencidos; os rrabis dos iudeus esconderaō esta tresladaçaō & naō permittem que os iudeus nem os christaos a vejaō) (fols. 2v-3r). Sá reiterates the charge, of Jewish corruption of Scripture. Yet he does not seem to feel that it is due so much to malice as to confusion and ignorance concerning the vowel points. See fol. 8r.

48 Fols. 43r-44v.

49 “Now since I know that you are not ignorant of the Hebrew and Chaldean languages, I should believe that you have read these things many times” (Pois como eu saiba que naō ignoras as li[n]goas Hebrea & Chaldea, cuido qu e muitas vezes leste estas couses.…) (fol. 169r).

50 Fols. 1v-10v.

51 Fol. 11r-v: “A sagrada escriptura ha danda r em toda lingoa com a verdadeira interpretaçaō & naõ como texto seco… e … que os antigos, asi Chaldeos como Hebreos Persas & Siros: Medos & Arabios: Gregos & Latinos: & todo outro género de Gentes: Naõ buscaraō lingoa latina nem outra alguã, pera nella escreuerem: mas nas suas próprias lingoas trabalharāo por terem as sciencias. Que como na obra se declara, nhuā sciencia tem lingoagem própria; mas sua própria lingoagem he a em que melhor se pode declarar.”

52 Buescu, Maria L. Carvalhão, ed., Barros, Joao de, Gramática da lingua portuguesa (Lisbon: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisbon, 1971) lviii, 239–40Google Scholar; Luciano Pereira da Silva, ed., Barros, Joāo de, Diálogo em louvor de nossa linguagem (Coimbra: Modena, 1947) 3–5Google Scholar; Lopes, David, A expansáo da lingua portuguesa no oriente (Barcelos: Portucalense, 1936)Google Scholar; Neto, Serafim da Silva, História da lingua portuguêsa (Rio de Janeiro: Livros de Portugal, 1952) 427–30, 513–46Google Scholar.

Interest in the East is evidenced by th e popularity of romanticized chapbooks in this period. See Rogers, Francis M., The Travels of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1961)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Manuel de Albuquerque in Antonio Baião et al., História da expansāo portuguesa no mundo, 2. 9–10.

54 A. Velho, “Roteiro da Viagem que em Descobrimento da India pelo Cabo da Boa-Esper-anca Fez Dom Vasco da Gama” in Branquinho da Fonseca, As grandes viagens portuguesas (Lisbon: Portugalia, n.d.) 57.

55 See the revised biography in the introduction to A. Baião's edition of the Décadas (4 vols.; Lisbon, 1945) 1Google Scholar. xv-xvi; Révah, I.-S., “João de Barros,” Revísta do Livro 9 (1958) 61–76Google Scholar, and now the introduction of M. L. Carvalhao Buescu to her edition of the Gramdtica (see n. 52).

56 The 1971 edition of the Gramática includes the Cartinha, the Diálogo da viciosa vergon-ha, and the Diálogo em louvor de nossa linguagem as well. The latter, while having as its main object the advocating of the replacement of Latin by the vernacular in education, is not silent concerning the “colonialist” aspects of teaching Portuguese.

57 First published in 1532 and reedited by I.-S. Révah (2 vols.; Lisbon: Instituto de Alta Cultura, 1952–55). See Révah's study, “Le colloque Ropicapnefma de joão de Barros,” Bulletin hispanique 54 (1952) 572–92Google Scholar, reprinted in his Etudes portugaises, ed. Amiel, Charles (Paris: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1975) 99–119Google Scholar.

58 Ed. I.-S. Revah (Lisbon: Studium, 1950).

59 DE, xxvii-xxix. In “Le colloque,” Etudes portugaises, 111–14, Revah equates New Christians and “Averroists” as Barros's target.

60 Révah in Barnett, Heritage, 494–95.

61 Révah, , “Les Marranes,” REJ 118 (1955) 55Google Scholar.

62 Translated from RP, 97.

63 DE, 3.

64 DE, 56.

65 DE, 115.

6 DE, 1.

67 DE, 4–5. On the figures named, see Révah, in Barnett, Heritage, 505–6.

68 Following Révah's emendation, DE, lxxii.

69 Corpo diplomático português, 5. 34. On the paring of the nails (cf. Deut 21:12) as part of an alleged “rejudaization” or “dechristianization” rite mentioned as early as th e medieval Inquisition, see Yerushalmi, Y. H., “The Inquisition and the Jews of France in the Time of Bernard Gui,” HTR 63 (1970) 363–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grayzel, Solomon, “The Confession of a Medieval Jewish Convert,” Historica Judaica 17 (1955) 101, 105Google Scholar; Albert, B.-S., Mišpā⃛ô šet Bārûk (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan, 1974) 82; 100 n. 7Google Scholar.

70 On Machado and the Mirror, see Vieira, M. E. and Talmage, Frank, The Mirror of the New Christians (Espelho de Christãos Novos) of Francisco Machado (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1977)Google Scholar(=Mirror) 13–41. Much of the following discussion is based upon the Introduction to that volume.

71 Mirror, 44–45. In an exhortation to the New Christians, he remarks: “I do not seek dioceses or abbeys (for I came close to this, but God was not served because man was not disposed to it) but only your salvation and conversion” (ibid., 104–5).

72 B.N.L. MS Fundo Geral 6747, fols. 64r–68r.

73 Ibid. fol. 64v: “Mas pore[m] ho milhor lhe falta qu[e] he ho nome d e Ih[es]us, ho qual ja ali foi conhicido e honrrado mas por falta do p[ri]ncipes e rreis christaos se p[er]deo… Porem ho nosso rrei serenissimo e muito catolico e invictissimo, segundo esperamos, ho amplificara nos nossos dias e ho altissimo D[eo]s ho guarde pera exalcamento da sua fee co[m] qu[e] veiamos (como espero) P[ur]tugal e Africa todo hu[m] rreino unido a fee de Chr[is]to.”

Compare the praise of an anonymous Italian versifier for King Manuel: “… and if he were followed by others, as he ought to be, the Christian faith would already be shining forth i n the whole of India, and the holy fatherland of Christ would be in our possession,” cited from Rogers, Travels, 218.

74 See M. de Albuquerque in Baiāo, Expansão, 2. 76.

75 “I have written, Prince, this work in Portuguese (although I would have much preferred Latin in which I can best develop my ideas) so that all Old Christians as well as New may read and understand what I have set forth here, ob quos hec tempestas orta est” (Mirror, 46–47); “If the Portuguese has not been so ornate, polished or finished, forgive its plainness, because it was my intention to focus on the ideas and not on how they were expressed” (ibid., 326–27).

76 None of these served as Machado's sources. On this problem, see Mirror, 31–35 and Frank (Ephraim) Talmage, “Francisco Machado's Mirror of the New Christians and Its Sources” [Hebrew], Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies, 1973 (4 vols.; Jerusalem, 1976) 2. 110–17Google Scholar.

77 Mirror, 80–81.

78 Ibid., 68–69.

79 Ibid., 108–9.

80 Ibid., 234–35.

81 Ibid., 236–37.

82 To explain the Sacrament, Machado argues: “When you pray, you humbly take three steps backwards. Now, when you enter the synagogue, do you adore the parchment?” (ibid., 244–47).

83 Ibid., 96–97.

84 Ibid., 102–3; cf. Martin, Raymund, Pugio fidei (Leipzig, 1687) 412Google Scholar. Compare the invective of the Spaniard Juan d e Padilla's Retablo de la vida de Cristo, Gilman, Fernando de Rojas, 452.

85 The entire twenty-third chapter (ibid., 318–27) is devoted to a discussion of “how it behooves the shepherds and the inquisitors to look after the sheep who have been entrusted to them and for whom they shall render a long account.”

86 Ibid., 320–23.

87 Ibid., 44–45.

88 Ibid., 46–47; cf. 50–51.

89 Ibid., 44–45.

90 Ibid., 68–69.

91 Ibid., 108–9.

92 Ibid., 44–45.

93 Ibid.

94 Ibid., 220–23.

95 Ibid., 80–81.

96 BHN, 1. 119; Monteiro, Pedro, Claustro Dominicano (3 vols.; Lisbon, 1729) 1. 119Google Scholar; (Lisbon, 1734) 3. 153–56; Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 1. 281–82; GEPB, s.v. “Freire (Frei Antonio)” (11. 823).

97 BHN, 1. 58; Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 1. 104; GEPB, s.v. “Gomes (Álvaro)” (12. 513).

98 F. de Almeida, Igreja, 2. 99; Herculano, Alexandre, History of the Origin and Establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal (New York: Ktav, 1972) 431Google Scholar.

99 Mariz, Pedro de, Diálogos de vária história (Lisbon, 1647) 486Google Scholar; F. de Almeida, Igreja, 1. 211, 457; Herculano, Origin, 431, 491, 503; GEPB, s.v. “Padilha (Fr. Jeronimo de)” (19. 929).

100 P. de Mariz, Diálogos, 477; F. de Almeida, Igreja, 2. 598; Alberto Pimenta, D. Joāo III, 283; Cerejeira, M. G., Clenardo e a sociedade portuguesa do seu tempo (Coimbra: Coimbra, 1949) 327Google Scholar; Censure, 23; DHP, 2. 276; 4. 151; GEPB, s.v. “Romeiro (Marcos)” (26. 148).

101 BHN, 1. 539; P. Monteiro, Claustro Dominicano, 1. 29–30, 169; 3. 42–43, 226; Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 2. 815; F. de Almeida, lgreja, 2. 434; Herculano, Origin, 613; A. Pimenta, D. João III, 208; DHP, 4. 209; GEPB, s.v. “Santiago (D. Frei João)” (27. 285–86).

102 João de Barros mentions him as such in his Diálogo em louvor de nossa linguagem, 7.

103 BHN, 1. 783; F. de Almeida, lgreja, 2. 448, 605–6; Barbosa-Machado, Bibliotheca, 2. 138; Herculano, Origin, 429–31, 490–91, 582; GEPB, “Soares (D. Frei João)” (29. 326–28); Révah, Censure, 51–52; DHP, 4. 209.

104 P. de. Mariz, Diálogos, 485–86; F. de Almeida, lgreja, 2. 141; Herculano, Origin, 431, 490.

105 See Herculano, Origin, 431, 490.

106 Corpo Diplomático Português, 5. 34.

107 Cf. M. de Albuquerque in A. Baião, Expansão, 72: “Lisbon became a great metropolitan center where foreigners of the most varied origins and of the most diverse professions—merchants, spies, scholars—rubbed elbows with each other… It was, so to speak, the warehouse of Asia. For this reason, [the Spanish humanist] Dr. Laguna recommended that those who could not go to the Orient should at least go to Lisbon to India House where every sort of cinnamon was to be found. Our writers, Castanheda, Barros, Osório, Góis, were largely appreciated abroad because they reflected the whole mysterious world of the Orient.”

108 Mirror, 25–26.

109 Alberto Pimenta observes that “it is curious… how the language of the minor devils presents certain similarities with the language of Vicentine Jews” (“O Conceito de Diabo na Biblia e em Gil Vicente,” O Ocidente 14 [1965] 247)Google Scholar. His point, however, is not that the Jews have a diabolical image but that there are “talmudic” elements in Vicente's conception of the devil.

110 Obras completas, ed. Braga, Marques (6 vols.; Lisbon: Sa de Costa, 1942–44) 6Google Scholar. 251–53.

111 This point is stressed in the letter to John III.

112 DE, xxi. It is to be regretted that Prof. Révah's hope of studying the image of the Jew in Gil Vicente and the Cancioneiro geral could not be fulfilled. For bibliography on Vicente and the Jews, see Baron, History, 13. 330–31 n. 56.

113 DE, li-lv. It is to be noted, however, that one of Claenarts's best known pupils, the Cardinal Prince Henry himself, showed little evidence of a moderating influence.

114 Obras, ed. Braga, 6. 252.

115 Láfer's thesis is set forward in O Judeu em Gil Vicente (São Paulo: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, 1963)Google Scholar.

116 One passage in RP should be compared: “The Hebrews, because of their sin, resemble the devil: for the nations, they are the goad and whip of God, and for themselves, they are affliction and torment” (103–4).