Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
‘Anybody who has bred horses will tell you’, the anti-feminist M.P. Major Falle informed M.P.s in 1923, when opposing women's full admission to Cambridge University, ‘that it is folly in the extreme to put colts and fillies together’. More subtle was the argument of Lord Hugh Cecil; concerned with what we now call the ‘chemistry’ of human relationships, he claimed that only a single-sex environment produces the ‘nervous intensity’ that launches major intellectual achievement and significant shifts in national opinion. Anti-feminist faith in segregation applied also to politics. Before 1918, parliament was what social anthropologists would now call a ‘men's house’ as with the kindred London clubs and colleges in Oxford and Cambridge, women's admission to it was slow and reluctant. If women wanted to participate in public life, it was argued, they should form clubs or parliaments of their own. Unlike some anti-feminists, Cecil's desire for segregation did not lead him to oppose votes for women because he saw the elector as simply an individual in a polling-booth, but he shared the anti-feminists' idea that the M.P. ‘resembles the limb of a body’, and so should be recruited solely from men. Nobody listened; within months of getting the vote, women (even unenfranchised women between 21 and 30) became eligible for parliament, and mixed universities eventually became the norm.
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31 Women M.P.s' debating lines have been counted directly. Equivalent data for men have been prepared by deducting the women's figures from an estimate for total debating lines during the year; this estimate has been reached through multiplying the number of columns for the year by 60 (the number of debating lines per column of debate) and then deducting from that figure 929 lines per 100 columns. This deduction represents the number of Hansard lines that were on average used for purposes other than reporting debate per 100 columns of Hansard in 1919 and 1929 (i.e. space used for division-lists, procedural details, etc.); it is the outcome of averaging 6 samples of 100 columns at the beginning, middle and end of each of these two years; in each year one sample was taken from the start of the debating day, one from the middle and one from the end. There is no reason to think that Hansard space was assigned differently in other years between 1919 and 1945. Ideally all this data would be presented here, but considerations of space prevent it; however, I will be happy to provide supplementary figures to anyone who needs them.
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34 Calculations from Returns for sessions 1929–30 and 1930–1 of all members appointed to serve on standing committees and on select committees (Parl. Papers, 1930–1, xxv).
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41 H.C.deb., 28 Nov. 1930, col. 1710.
42 H.C.deb., 20 Mar. 1941, col. 333. For attendance at the debate, see ibid. col. 381.
43 H.C.deb., 3 Aug. 1943, col. 2180.
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