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THE ATTEMPTS TO TRANSFER THE GENEVAN ACADEMY TO IRELAND AND TO AMERICA, 1782–1795

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 May 2013

JENNIFER POWELL MCNUTT  and
RICHARD WHATMORE
JENNIFER POWELL MCNUTT*
Affiliation:
Wheaton College
RICHARD WHATMORE*
Affiliation:
University of Sussex
*
Jennifer Powell McNutt, Biblical and Theological Studies Department, Wheaton College, 501 College Avenue, Wheaton, IL 60187–5593, USAJennifer.McNutt@wheaton.edu
Richard Whatmore, Sussex Centre for Intellectual History, School of History, Art History and Philosophy, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton, BN1 9SNUKr.whatmore@sussex.ac.uk
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Abstract

Early in 1782, republican rebels in Geneva removed the city's magistrates and instituted a popular government, portraying themselves as defenders of liberty and Calvinism against the French threats of Catholicism and luxury. But on 1 July 1782, the republicans fled because of the arrival at the city gates of invading troops led by France. The failure of the Genevan revolution indicated that while new republics could be established beyond Europe, republics within Europe, and more especially Protestant republics in proximity to larger Catholic monarchies, were no longer independent states. Many Genevans sought asylum across Europe and in North America in consequence. Some of them looked to Britain and Ireland, attempting to move the industrious part of Geneva to Waterford. During the French Revolution, they sought to establish a republican community in the United States. In each case, a major goal was to transfer the Genevan Academy established in the aftermath of Calvin's Reformation. The anti-religious nature of the French Revolution made the attempt to move the Academy to North America distinctive. By contrast with the Irish case, where religious elements were played down, moving the Academy to North America was supported by religious rhetoric coupled with justifications of republican liberty.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 56 , Issue 2 , June 2013 , pp. 345 - 368
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013 

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References

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31 Earl Temple to d'Ivernois and Du Roveray, 28 May 1784, Bolton papers, National Library of Ireland, MS 15914 (1).

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37 Éric Golay, ‘1792–1798 revolution Genevoise et Révolution française: similitudes et contrastes’, in Regards sur la revolution genevoise, 1792–1798, SHAG, MDG, 55 (1992), p. 30.

38 Etienne Dumont to Albert Gallatin, 19 Aug. 1794, cited in Karmin, Sir Francis d'Ivernois, p. 177.

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42 Records also indicate some resistance to Genevans emigrating to territories such as Carolina: Archives d’état de Genève (AEG), Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs (RCP) 24, 16 Apr. 1734, fo. 46.

43 AEG, RCP 31, 12 Oct. 1770, fos. 66–7; ibid., 8 Mar. 1771, fo. 97. Difficulties with the Anglicans in the area are alluded to in the report to the Company.

44 See AEG, RCP 29 and the correspondence found in BGE, MS Fr. 451. The key role of the church of Geneva is evident when the New York church refused the candidate recommended by the church at Amsterdam because he did not come from Geneva but from Zurich: AEG, RCP 29, 3 May 1765, fo. 398. Jean-Louis Duby is an example of a Genevan pastor filling the New York pulpit: AEG, RCP 35, 21 Oct. 1796, fo. 88.

45 Parliament began supporting missionary activity to New England from 1649 with the creation of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England due to Edward Winslow's promotion of the cause in England and the success of John Eliot's work with the Algonquians in New England: Bremer, Francis, The puritan experiment: New England society from Bradford to Edwards (rev. edn, Lebanon, NH, 1995)Google Scholar, p. 203. Bray then launched the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) at the end of the seventeenth century, which became SPG in 1701. See Dewey, Margaret, The messengers: a concise history of the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (London and Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar; Thompson, H. P., Into all lands: the history of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701–1950 (London, 1951)Google Scholar; Pascoe, C. F., Two hundred years of the S.P.G.: an historical account of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701–1900 (London, 1901)Google Scholar.

46 Records indicate that the Company of Pastors was already in charge of dispensing willed funds purposed for the evangelism of ‘infidels’: AEG, RCP 18 (1703), fo. 452.

47 Dewey, The messengers, p. 14 ; Thompson, Into all lands, p. 102.

48 BGE, Arch. Tronchin 55, ‘Relation succinte des diverses societez etablies depuis peu d'Années en Angleterre pour la Reforme des mœurs, et pour la Propagation de la religion chretienne’, fo. 3.

49 BGE, Arch. Tronchin 55, fo. 52v; Thompson, Into all lands, pp. 39–40; Pascoe, Two hundred years of the S.P.G., p. 734.

50 AEG, RCP 19, 30 Dec. 1707, fo. 244; AEG, Chambre des Prosélytes 1, 16 Jan. 1708, fo. 3.

51 Pictet wrote to SPG to inform them of the establishment of the committee: AEG, Chambre des Prosélytes 1, 6 Feb. 1708, fo. 18. See response: ibid., 10 Sept. 1708, fos. 79–81. Records from 18 Feb. 1709 indicate that England planned to introduce a similar society to evangelize Roman Catholics: ibid., fos. 119–20.

52 Gallatin made plans with fellow Genevan Academy schoolmates Henri Serre and Jean Badollet though only Serre was able to go with him at his departure on 1 Apr. 1780: Walters, Raymond Jr, Albert Gallatin: Jeffersonian, financier and diplomat (New York, NY, 1957)Google Scholar, p. 9.

53 See Dungan, Nicholas, Gallatin: America's Swiss founding father (New York, NY, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Gallatin was denied the office of the secretary of state due to his Genevan birth and the fact that Geneva came under Bonaparte's control: Walters, Albert Gallatin, p. 210.

54 BGE, MS Fr. 1130. Dungan, Gallatin, p. 155; John Austin Stevens documents that Gallatin was seeking to establish a university education free to all and unhampered by confessional governance: Albert Gallatin (Boston, MA, and New York, NY, 1911), pp. 369–70.

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57 Gallatin to Eben Dodge, New York, 21 Jan. 1847, Adams, Henry, ed., The writings of Albert Gallatin (Philadelphia, PA, 1879)Google Scholar, ii, p. 578. Jefferson names Mr Kinloch and Mr Huger as former students from South Carolina: Jefferson, Thomas, The writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Washington, H. A. (9 vols., Washington, DC, 1853–4)Google Scholar, iii, Jefferson to Alister, 22 Dec. 1791, p. 313. See other names listed by Karmin, Sir Francis d'Ivernois, p. 644.

58 Gallatin to Eben Dodge, New York, 21 Jan. 1847: Adams, ed., The writings of Albert Gallatin, ii, p. 572.

59 Richard was married to Jefferson's niece, Lucy Carr, who was the daughter of Jefferson's sister, Martha Jefferson, who had married Mr Dabney Carr. Gallatin helped introduce him in France and Geneva with letters of reference: BGE, MS Fr. 322, 2 Aug. 1816, fo. 69r–v. Jefferson wrote, ‘I thank you for your attention to my request as to Mr. Terrell. You judge rightly that I have no acquaintances left in France: some were guillotined, some fled, some died, some are exiled, and I know of nobody left but La Fayette’: Jefferson to Gallatin, 11 Apr. 1816: Adams, ed., The writings of Albert Gallatin, i, p. 701.

60 Gallatin to Jefferson, 1 Apr. 1816: Adams, ed., The writings of Albert Gallatin, i, p. 700.

61 In such correspondence, Gallatin described Jefferson as ‘one of my truest and best friends, and I owe him obligations which I would feel gratified, in some degree, to return’: BGE, MS Fr. 322, fo. 69r–v.

62 Jefferson, The writings of Thomas Jefferson, iii, Jefferson to Alister, 22 Dec. 1791, p. 313.

63 Letters between Jefferson and the Genevan Professor Marc-Auguste Pictet indicate that Jefferson was eager to support furthering knowledge of the region: ‘Our country offers to the lovers of science a rich field of the works of nature, but little explored, except in the department of botany. One would imagine indeed from the European writings that our animal history was tolerably known but time will show in it the grossest errors, our geology is untouched, and would have been a precious mine for you, as your views of it would have been precious to us. I will not allow myself to conclude that the present state of things is final. Our country is but beginning to develop its resources’: BGE, Archives Rilliet, Jefferson to Pictet, 14 Oct. 1795.

64 Original French manuscript: BGE, MS Suppl. 976, d'Ivernois to Adams, 22 Aug. 1794, fos. 59–63v. See French transcription in Karmin, Sir Francis d'Ivernois, pp. 640–9. An English translation is found in BGE, MS Suppl. 976, fos. 65–68v.

65 D'Ivernois expressed concern that the old age of the Theology professors might prevent them from relocation.

66 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 22 Aug. 1794, fo. 61.

67 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 22 Aug. 1794, fo. 61v.

68 ‘Additional memorial from Mons. d'Ivernois delivered to me (Thomas Orde-Powlett, 1st Baron Bolton) by Lord Mahon, 11 June 1784’, Bolton papers, National Library of Ireland, MS 15914 (3). Only minor reference is made to acknowledge benefits that the school might bring to ‘the encouragement of religion, virtue and science’: P. Egan, ‘The Genevese’, History, Guide & Directory of County and City of Waterford (n.d.), p. 206. See also Jupp's, Peter article: ‘Genevese exiles in County Waterford’, Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, 75 (1970), pp. 29–35Google Scholar.

69 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 5 Sept. 1794, fo. 72v.

70 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 22 Aug. 1794, fo. 63. Similarly, d'Ivernois's correspondence with Jefferson speaks about the alarming crisis that menaced both knowledge and the social order: BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 5 Sept. 1794, fo. 72v.

71 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 22 Aug. 1794, fo. 61v.

72 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 22 Aug. 1794, fo. 59v: ‘The entire transplantation of a Protestant University into a Protestant country could be, it seems to me, an event extraordinary enough to merit perhaps a favorable exception and even some great sacrifice.’

73 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 5 Sept. 1794, fo. 71. In fact, he particularly appealed to the Democratic Republican party as coinciding with Geneva's opposition to monarchical despotism on the one hand and popular licence on the other while still upholding the importance of liberty and peace.

74 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 22 Aug. 1794, fo. 63v.

75 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, 22 Aug. 1794, fos. 61v–62v. D'Ivernois requested a response before sending a representative to America to negotiate the transplantation.

76 Jefferson would later write that ‘Your proposition, however, for transplanting the college of Geneva to my own county, was too analogous to all my attachments to science, and freedom, the first-born daughter of science, not to excite a lively interest in my mind, and the essays which were necessary to try its practicability’: Jefferson, The writings of Thomas Jefferson, iv, Jefferson to d'Ivernois, 6 Feb. 1795, pp. 113–15.

77 Jefferson, The writings of Thomas Jefferson, iv, Jefferson to Wilson Nicholas, 22 Nov. 1794, p. 109.

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79 Jefferson, The writings of Thomas Jefferson, iv, Jefferson to d'Ivernois, 6 Feb. 1795, pp. 113–15.

80 Jefferson to Washington, 23 Feb. 1795, in Catanzariti, John, ed., The papers of Thomas Jefferson, xxviii (Princeton, NJ, 2000), pp. 275–8Google Scholar.

81 Once again, Jefferson described Geneva as one of ‘the two eyes of Europe in matters of science’.

82 Washington to Jefferson, 25 Feb. 1785: Boyd, Julian, ed., The papers of Thomas Jefferson, viii (Princeton, NJ, 1953), pp. 3–6Google Scholar.

83 Washington to Jefferson, 15 Mar. 1795: Catanzariti, ed., The papers of Thomas Jefferson, xxviii, pp. 306–8.

84 Adams wrote to d'Ivernois on 11 Dec. 1795 saying, ‘I regret with you that America cannot avail herself of the Science and Literature of the Genevan University: but the compleat Impossibility of it is absolutely certain’: BGE, MS Suppl. 976, fo. 97.

85 Adams, Herbert B., Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia (Washington, Gov. Printing Office, 1888)Google Scholar. Adams regarded the Geneva project as the ‘historical origin’ of Jefferson's dream of a ‘cosmopolitan university, to be equipped with the best scientific talent that Europe could afford’ (p. 45). Jefferson never gave up seeking to bring European born or educated professors to enhance the education at the University of Virginia (p. 110). See also Hans, Nicholas, ‘The project of transferring the University of Geneva to America’, History of Education Quarterly, 8 (1968), pp. 246–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 Karmin points to d'Ivernois's letter to Vaucher on 5 Mar. 1795: Sir Francis d'Ivernois, p. 286.

87 Ibid., pp. 282–3.

88 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, letter to d'Ivernois, 9 Dec. 1794, fo. 74v.

89 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, fo. 75v.

90 Dungan writes that ‘Gallatin made an exploratory trip through New York State in Apr., purportedly to look for suitable land for the Academy’ (Dungan, Gallatin: America's Swiss founding father, p. 60). This trip led him to conclude that Pennsylvania would be a more fitting setting.

91 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, fo. 78r–v.

92 The plan was signed by the following persons: Albert Gallatin, James Odier, Jean-Salomon Fazy, Jean-Antoine and Antoine-Charles Casenove, Henry Cheriot, Pierre-Daniel Bourdillon, Jean-Louis Duby, Alexandre Couronne, Jean Badollet: BGE, MS Fr. 3637, vol. iv, no. 4; copy found in BGE, MS Suppl. 976, fos. 82–3.

93 Transcribed in Karmin, Sir Francis d'Ivernois, pp. 284–5.

94 D'Ivernois's Sept. letter is mentioned as being received in Dec.: BGE, MS Suppl. 976, fo. 86.

95 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, d'Ivernois to Adams, 24 Feb. 1795, fos. 88–89v; ibid., d'Ivernois to Jefferson, 26 Feb. 1795, fos. 90r–v.

96 BGE, MS Suppl. 976, d'Ivernois to Jefferson, 26 Feb. 1795, fo. 90.

97 Quoted in Karmin, Sir Francis d'Ivernois, p. 287.

98 BGE, Archives Rilliet, Jefferson to Pictet, 14 Oct. 1795, n.f.

99 BGE, Archives Rilliet, 26 Dec. 1820, Jefferson to M. A. Pictet.

100 Walters, Albert Gallatin, p. 138.

101 Namely Badollet, James Nicholson (Gallatin's brother-in-law), Louis Bourdillon, and Antoine-Charles Cazenove: Walters, Albert Gallatin, p. 134.

102 Dungan, Gallatin: America's Swiss founding father, p. 62. For a history of New Geneva, Pennsylvania, see Elizabeth Davenport's History of New Geneva (n.p., 1933).

103 Gallatin ‘confessed that his affairs at New Geneva troubled him more than the party battles in Congress. He was especially depressed by the debts incurred’: Walters, Albert Gallatin, p. 138.

104 Davenport indicates that this partnership began in 1794 with the building of the factory following soon after (History of New Geneva, p. 2).

105 Walters, Albert Gallatin, p. 139.

106 Golay, ‘1792–1798 révolution Genevoise et révolution française’, p. 34.

107 AEG, RCP 34, 3 Apr. 1795, fo. 581. A number of pastors and ministers lost their livelihood due to the two tribunals, including Pierre-Daniel Bourdillon, Jean-Henri-Adam Bouverot, Georges-Louis Choisy, Jean-Jacques Juventin, Marc-Samuel Mange, Jean-François Martin, Frédéric Mestrezat, Joseph Peschier, and Alexandre Sarasin. In Mar. 1795, it was overwhelmingly voted that the revolutionary judgments be overturned (1,952 to 250): ibid., 27 Mar. 1795, fo. 579.