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DEPICTIONS OF BRAZILIANS ON FRENCH MAPS, 1542–1555*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 May 2012

SUREKHA DAVIES
SUREKHA DAVIES*
Affiliation:
Birkbeck, University of London
*
Department of History, Classics and Archaeology, Birkbeck, University of London, Room G10, 28 Russell Square, London WC1B 5 DQsurekha.davies@gmail.com
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Abstract

This article explores the impulse behind the outpouring of extraordinarily ornate maps representing the inhabitants of Brazil that emanated from Normandy in the mid-sixteenth century. It aims to understand the reasons behind the iconography of Brazil, a region of particular commercial interest for the French. Whereas maps produced elsewhere in this period emphasize the presence of fierce cannibals in Brazil, Norman examples highlight peaceful relations, particularly the dyewood trade. By analysing the maps in comparison with extant maps from other centres of production (particularly Portugal and the German lands), travel accounts, and wider visual culture, this article explores their relationship to possible sources and considers the extent to which their iconography had a basis in experience. By investigating the use of these maps as gifts to French kings, it suggests that the mapmakers’ selective use of trading imagery also played a persuasive role in the Norman maritime world's disputes with the Portuguese crown over the extent of Portugal's Atlantic empire.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 55 , Issue 2 , June 2012 , pp. 317 - 348
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

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Footnotes

*

For helpful suggestions on this article, I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers. I am grateful for the support of the Leverhulme Trust. For comments on an earlier draft of this material, thanks are due to Charles Burnett, Tony Campbell, Jill Kraye and Elizabeth McGrath.

References

1 Martin Waldseemüller, Carta marina (Strasbourg, 1516). For this map's influence on European perceptions of the inhabitants of Brazil, see my ‘Representations of Amerindians on European maps and the construction of ethnographic knowledge, 1506–1624’ (2 vols., Ph.D. thesis, London, 2009), i, ch. 4.

2 Ibid. I identified these after consulting a comprehensive sample of around 1,200 printed and manuscript atlases, world maps, and maps of the Americas produced in Portugal, Spain, the German lands, the Low Countries, France, England, and Italy from 1492 to 1650. Around 10 per cent of these maps contain distinctive ethnographic imagery in some part of the Americas.

3 Ibid. These findings are derived from my analysis of ethnographic descriptions and imagery across North and South America on maps, from Greenland and Canada in the north, to Patagonia in the south. This research is the basis of a monograph I am completing, provisionally entitled America newly described: ethnography and imagery on European maps, 1500–1650.

4 See Anthiaume, A., Cartes marines, constructions navales, voyages de découverte chez les normands, 1500–1650 (2 vols., Paris, 1916)Google Scholar, ii, p. 194: ‘Si le Roi … voulait lâcher la bride aux négociants français, en moins de quatre ou cinq ans ceux-ci lui auraient conquis l'amitié et assuré l'obéissance des indigènes brésiliens, sans autres arms que la persuasion et les bon procédés.’

5 de Léry, Jean, Histoire d'un voyage fait en la terre du Brésil [1580], ed. Jean-Claude Morisot (Geneva, 1975), p. 219Google Scholar (ch. xv): ‘par leurs cartes vniuerselles, nous ont non seulement representé & peint les sauuages de la terre du Bresil … rostissans la chair des hommes embrochee comme nous faisons les membres de moutons & autres viandes: mais aussi ont feint qu'auec de grands couperets de fer ils les coupoyent sur des bancs, & en pendoyent & mettoyent les pieces en monstre, comme font les bouchers la chair de boeuf par-deça.’

6 Colin, Susi, Das Bild des Indianers im 16. Jahrhundert (Idstein, 1988), pp. 133–50Google Scholar.

7 John Monteiro, ‘The crises and transformations of invaded societies: coastal Brazil in the sixteenth century’, in Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz, eds., Cambridge history of the native peoples of the Americas (3 vols., Cambridge, 1999), iii: i, pp. 973–1023, at pp. 976–7. For an introduction to the peoples of Brazil and their main language families, see also John Hemming, ‘The Indians of Brazil in 1500’, in Leslie Bethell, ed., The Cambridge history of Latin America (Cambridge, 1984–), i, pp. 119–43.

8 Monteiro, ‘Crises and transformations’.

9 Alfred Métraux, ‘The Tupinambá’, in Julian H. Steward, eds., Handbook of South American Indiams, iii:The tropical forest tribes (7 vols., Washington, DC, 1946–59), pp. 95–133.

10 Pigeonneau, H., Histoire du commerce de la France (2 vols., Paris, 1885–89), ii, pp. 136–7Google Scholar.

11 See Braudel, Fernand, Civilisation and capitalism, 15th–18th century, trans. Siân Reynolds (3 vols., London, 1985), ii, pp. 311–14Google Scholar.

12 Dickason, Olive Patricia, ‘The Brazilian connection: a look at the origin of French techniques for trading with Amerindians’, Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, 71 (1984), pp. 129–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 129–31. For the trade before the discovery of America, see Montaigne, Jean-Marc, Le trafiq du Brésil: navigateurs normands, bois-rouge et cannibales pendant la renaissance (Rouen, 2000), p. 38Google Scholar.

13 Mollat du Jourdin, Michel, ‘Premières relations entre la France et le Brésil: des Verrazani à Villegaignon’, Cahiers de l'Institut des hautes études de l'Amérique latine, 6 (1964), pp. 59–74Google Scholar, at p. 66.

14 Symcox, Geoffrey, ed., Italian reports on America, 1493–1533: letters, dispatches, and papal bulls (Turnhout, 2001), p. 12Google Scholar.

15 Knecht, R. J., The rise and fall of Renaissance France, 1483–1610 (London, 1996), pp. 290–1Google Scholar.

16 Gayle Brunelle, ‘The images of empire: Francis I and his cartographers’, in Martin Gosman et al., eds., Princes and princely culture, 1450–1650 (2 vols., Leiden and Boston, MA, 2003–5), i, pp. 81–102, at pp. 83–4. The exceptions were the 1524 voyage of Giovanni da Verrazzano, Jacques Cartier's three voyages to north-east America (1534–8), and the Gaspar de Coligny expedition to Brazil (1555–6). Dozens of ships sailed every year solely for private trade.

17 Julien, Charles André, Les débuts de l'expansion et de la colonisation françaises (XVe–XVIe siècles) (Paris, 1947), pp. 73–6Google Scholar.

18 Vitet, L., Histoire des anciennes villes de France. Première série. Haute-Normandie. Dieppe (2 vols., Paris, 1833), i, p. 147Google Scholar.

19 See Guénin, Eugène, Ango et ses pilotes d'après des documents inédits (Paris, 1901)Google Scholar. For an overview of French trade in exotic commodities, see Mollat du Jourdin, Michel, Le commerce maritime normand à la fin du Moyen Âge (Paris, 1952), pp. 249–67Google Scholar.

20 de La Roncière, Charles, Histoire de la marine française (6 vols., Paris, 1899–1932), iii, p. 244Google Scholar.

21 Tomlinson, Regina, The struggle for Brazil: Portugal and ‘the French interlopers’ (1500–1550) (New York, NY, 1970), pp. 60–72Google Scholar.

22 Wintroub, Michael, A savage mirror: power, identity and knowledge in early modern France (Stanford, CA, 2006), pp. 24–33Google Scholar.

23 This was a licence allowing the bearer to capture an enemy's merchant vessels.

24 Tomlinson, Struggle, pp. 64–5.

25 Ibid., p. 66; Julien, Charles André, Les voyages de découverte et les premiers établissements (XVe–XVIe siècles) (Paris, 1948), p. 107Google Scholar.

26 Tomlinson, Struggle, p. 72.

27 Dickason, ‘Brazilian connection’, p. 134.

28 Gaffarel, Paul, Histoire du Brésil français au seizième siècle (Paris, 1878), pp. 110–11Google Scholar.

29 Sarah Toulouse, ‘L'art de naviguer: hydrographie et cartographie marine en Normandie, 1500–1650’ (2 vols., Ph.D. thesis, École Nationale des Chartes, Paris, 1994), i, p. 37.

30 Le voyage de Gonneville (1503–1505) & la découverte de la Normandie par les Indiens du Brésil, study and commentary: Leyla Perrone-Moisés (Paris, 1995), p. 24Google Scholar.

31 Jean Rotz, The maps and text of the Boke of Idrography presented by Jean Rotz to Henry VIII now in the British Library, ed. Helen Wallis (Oxford, 1981), pp. 6–7.

32 For the cultural and religious contexts of French encounters with Brazil, see Lestringant, Frank, Le Huguenot et le sauvage: l'Amérique et la controverse coloniale, en France, au temps des guerres de religion (1555–1589), 3rd revised edn (Paris, 2004)Google Scholar, ch. 2.

33 For the dating, see Helen Wallis, ‘Sixteenth-century maritime manuscript atlases for special presentation’, in John A. Walter and Ronald E. Grim, eds., Images of the world: the atlas through history (Washington, DC, 1997), pp. 3–29, at pp. 19–20. Henri was the dauphin between 1536 and 1547. For reproductions of the atlas, see Cortesão, Armando and Teixeira da Mota, Avelino, Portugaliae monumenta cartographica (PMC) (6 vols., Lisbon, 1960)Google Scholar, v, plates 132–9.

34 British Library, London, Department of Manuscripts (BL-MSS), MS Add. 5413. For facsimile, see Coote, C. H., Autotype facsimiles of three mappemondes, 1: The Harleian, or anonymous, mappemonde, c. 1536 ([Aberdeen], 1898)Google Scholar.

35 Davis, Natalie Zemon, The gift in sixteenth-century France (Oxford, 2000), pp. 154–9Google Scholar.

36 Marcel Mauss, The gift: the form and reason for exchange in archaic societies, trans. W. D. Halls (London and New York, NY, 2004 (first published 1950), pp. 3–5.

37 Davis, Gift, pp. 145–8.

38 Biagioli, Mario, Galileo's instruments of credit: telescopes, images, secrecy (Chicago, IL, and London, 2006), pp. 1–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Ibid., p. 3.

40 The engraving is from a contemporary account, C'est la déduction du sumptueux ordre, plaisantz spectacles et magnifiques théatres, dressés et exhibés par les citoiens de Rouen … (Rouen, 1551), sig. K.2v–K3r. For an analytical description, see Wintroub, Savage mirror, ch. 1; L'entrée de Henri II à Rouen, 1550, intro. by Margaret McGowan (Amsterdam, 1973). A manuscript of watercolour illuminations of the event is housed in the Bibliothèque Municipale de Rouen, MS Y.28; for an edition of the manuscript, see L'entrée de Henri II roi de France à Rouen, ed. S. De Merval (Rouen, 1868). For other contemporary accounts, see Wintroub, Michael, ‘Civilizing the savage and making a king: the royal entry festival of Henri II (Rouen, 1550)’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 29 (1998), pp. 465–94CrossRefGoogle Scholarn. 4; for possible meanings and purposes of the Brazilian tableau, and for further literature describing the entry, see idem, Savage mirror, pp. 35–42 and Jean-Marie Massa, ‘Le mond luso-brésilien dans la joyeuse entrée de Rouen’, in J. Jacquot and E. Konigson, eds., Les fêtes de la renaissance (Paris, 1975), pp. 105–16.

41 Julien, Les débuts, pp. 183–4.

42 L'entrée, ed. Merval, p. 15 and plate 9.

43 Wintroub, Savage mirror, p. 84.

44 See above, p. 322.

45 Baumgartner, Frederic, Henry II: king of France, 1547–1559 (Durham, NC, and London, 1988), p. 136Google Scholar.

46 Hamy, E.-T., ‘Le bas-relief de l'Hôtel du Brésil au Musée Départemental d'Antiquités de Rouen’, Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Paris, n.s., 4 (1907), pp. 1–6Google Scholar, at p. 5.

47 Wintroub, Savage mirror, pp. 8, 40–62.

48 Guénin, Ango, p. 163.

49 For a listing of works known to date, see Sarah Toulouse, ‘Marine cartography and navigation in Renaissance France’, in David Woodward, ed., The history of cartography, iii:Cartography in the European Renaissance (2 vols., Chicago, IL, 2007), ii, pp. 1550–68, Appendix 1.

50 BL-MSS, MS Royal 20.b.ix, Rotz Atlas; Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA (HL), MS HM 29, Vallard Atlas; BL-MSS, Add. MS 24095, Desceliers planisphere.

51 This terminology is problematic. Some works are by cartographers known to have worked elsewhere in Normandy. Others are anonymous but have been assigned to the same tradition on stylistic grounds. Furthermore, the production of the maps took place within a broader context of commerce and exploration – maps, mapmakers, merchants, and money circulated through towns such as Rouen, Honfleur, and Le Havre as well Dieppe. Therefore, although Dieppe was the centre of this tradition, ‘Norman school’ is preferred here, as it is in Toulouse, ‘Marine cartography’.

52 Toulouse, ‘Marine cartography’, p. 1555.

53 For the carto-bibliographical aspects, see PMC, v, pp. 132–40.

54 Rotz, Boke, p. 40.

55 See de Matos, Luís, Les Portugais en France au XVIe siècle:. études et documents (Coimbra, 1952), pp. 15–18Google Scholar.

56 PMC, v, p. 133.

57 For large-scale reproductions and carto-bibliographical overviews, see PMC.

58 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, Abteilung für Handschriften und Alte Drucke, Cod. icon. 133.

59 BL-MSS, Add. MS 5415.a., fo. 23v. The other two examples are Diogo Homem's atlases of 1564 and 1568.

60 ‘Canibales carnibus [h]umanis vescuntur ac venenatis sagit[t]is proeliantur.’

61 For discussion and facsimiles, see PMC, i, pp. 87–106 and plates 38–41.

62 Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Département des Cartes et plans (BNF-Cartes), Rés. Ge.DD. 683 and Rés. Ge.AA 640.

63 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Kartensammlung, FKB 272–11.

64 BL-MSS, Add. MS 27303.

65 Rotz, Boke, p. 38.

66 The map is discussed in Francisco Bethencourt, ‘Race relations in the Portuguese empire’, in Jay A. Levenson, ed., Encompassing the globe: Portugal and the world in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: Essays (Washington, DC, 2007), pp. 45–53, at p. 52.

67 See, e.g., Destombes, Marcel and Gernez, D., ‘Un atlas nautique du XVIème siècle à la Bibliothèque Royale de la Haye (Pays-bas)’, Congresso internacional de história dos descobrimentos: actas, 2 (1961), pp. 151–61Google Scholar, at p. 151; PMC, v, pp. 132–3; Toulouse, ‘L'art de naviguer’, ii, pp. 400–3.

68 Hulton, Paul, The work of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues: a Huguenot artist in France, Florida and England (2 vols., London, 1977), i, pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

69 There are very few surviving Norman maps depicting Amerindians after 1555. Jean de Léry, History of a voyage to the land of Brazil, otherwise called America, trans. and intro. Janet Whatley (Berkeley, CA, 1990), pp. xix–xxi: the first French expedition to set up a colony in Brazil set out in 1555, but soon failed, falling to the Portuguese in 1560.

70 Wallis suggests that the Dieppe voyages had painters on board; see Rotz, Boke, pp. 44–5.

71 For reproductions of all these illustrations, see Hulton, Le Moyne, ii.

72 Ibid., i, p. 4.

73 BL-MSS, MS Royal 20.b.ix.

74 Rotz, Boke, pp. 3, 6–7, 17. Rotz's father, David Ross, had moved to Dieppe and married a Frenchwoman.

75 BL-MSS, MS Royal 20.b.ix, fo. 2v: ‘au plus certain et vrai quil ma este possible de faire tant par mon experience propre que par la certaine experience de mes amis et compagnons navigateurs’; translation at Rotz, Boke, p. 80.

76 Staden, Hans, Warhaftige Historia und Beschreibung eyner Landschafft der Wilden, Nacketen, Grimmigen Menschfresser Leuthen, in der Newenwelt America gelegen … (Marburg, 1557)Google Scholar, chs. xxviii–xxxiv.

77 See, e.g., William C. Sturtevant, ‘First visual images of Native America’, in Fredi Chiappelli et al., eds. (2 vols., Berkeley, CA, and London, 1976), i, pp. 417–54, esp. p. 420.

78 For this identification, see Rotz, Boke, p. 72. The woodcutting motif also appears on three of the four illustrated Norman works that post-date the French attempt to set up a colony in Brazil in 1555–6. These are BNF-Cartes, S. H. Archives, no. 6 (Pierre de Vaulx, Atlantic map, 1613); BNF-Cartes, Rés. Ge D 13871 and BNF-Cartes, Rés. Ge C 5007 (Jacques de Vau de Claye's Brazil and Rio de Janeiro maps); Château de Vincennes, Vincennes, Service historique de l'armée de terre, Archives du dépôt de la guerre, D.2.z.14 (Le Testu's Cosmographie).

79 Hildegard Binder Johnson, ‘Portuguese settlement, 1500–1580’, in Leslie Bethell, ed., Colonial Brazil (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 1–38, at pp. 5–6.

80 Pedro Álvares Cabral and Pedro Vaz de Caminha, The voyage of Pedro Álvares Cabral to Brazil and India, ed. and trans. William Brooks Greenlee (London, 1938), p. 3.

81 Garcia, José Manuel, O descobrimento do Brasil nos textos de 1500 a 1571 (Lisbon, 2000), p. 29Google Scholar : ‘outras cousinhas de pouco valor que levavam’. I am grateful to Lisa Voigt for checking my translations from this book.

82 Ibid., pp. 28–9. Despite their best efforts, though, they were unable to procure any gold. Towards the end of the letter Vaz reluctantly admits that ‘up to now we are unable to learn whether there is gold or silver, or anything of metal or iron; nor have we seen any’: ibid., p. 34: ‘até agora, não pudemos saber que haja ouro, nem prata, nem nenhuma cousa de metal, nem de ferro; nem lho vimos’.

83 Ibid., p. 30: ‘misturaram-se todos tanto connosco que nos ajudavam deles a acarretar lenha e meter nos batéis e lutavam com os nossos e tomavam muito prazer’.

84 Gonneville, Voyage, p. 20: ‘étant les Indiens gens simples, ne demandant qu’à mener joyeuse vie sans grand travail’.

85 Ibid., p. 23: ‘desdites denrées en fut bien amassé près de cent quintaux, qui en France auraient valu bon prix’.

86 Amerigo Vespucci, Letters from a new world: Amerigo Vespucci's discovery of America, ed. and with intro. by Luciano Formisano (New York, NY, 1992) (AV-F), p. xxii. The first edition was Amerigo Vespucci, Lettera … delle isole nuouamente trovate (Florence, 1505).

87 Amerigo Vespucci, ed. Ilaria Luzzana Caraci (2 vols., Rome, 1996–99) (AV-C), i, p. 334: ‘In dando sic naturaliter liberalissimi sunt ut nihil, quod ab eis expetatur, abnegent’; AV-F, p. 65.

88 AV-C, i, p. 357: ‘ab eis interim 150 uniones unica nola emimus, cum auro modico, quod eis ex gratia contulimus’; AV-F, p. 80.

89 AV-C, i, p. 363: ‘119 unionum marchas precio (ut estimabamus) 40 non superante ducatos ab eis comparavimus. Nam nolas, specularia cristallinosque nonnullos necnon laevissima electri folia quaedam eis tantum propterea tradidimus. Nempe quotquot quilibet eorum obtineret uniones, eos pro sola nola donabat’; AV-F, p. 84.

90 Anon., Dise Figur anzaigt uns das Folck und Insel (Augsburg, 1505–6)Google Scholar; Vespucci, Amerigo, Diss büchlin saget wie die zwen durchlüchtigsten herren … funden vil insulen vnnd ein Nüwe welt von wilden nackenden Leuten vormals vnbekant (Strasbourg, 1509)Google Scholar, sig. B.1r. For reproductions and further examples, see, e.g., Sturtevant, ‘First visual images’.

91 BL-MSS, MS Royal 20.b.ix, fo. 2r. For François's use of cartographical knowledge as royal propaganda and Rotz's experience at his court, see Brunelle, ‘The images of empire’, pp. 95–100.

92 Rotz, Boke, p. 38.

93 Vaughan, Alden T., Transatlantic encounters: American Indians in Britain, 1500–1776 (New York, NY, 2006), p. 11Google Scholar.

94 Rotz, Boke, pp. 9–12.

95 HL, MS HM 29.

96 Anthiaume, Cartes marines, i, pp. 93–4: surviving records in Dieppe contain a mention of a family called Vallart or Vallard.

97 Fos. 11–12.

98 Ibid., fo. 12.

99 Deserps, François, Recueil de la diuersité des habits qui sont de present en usaige tant es pays d'Europe, Asie, Affrique et Illes sauvages, le tout fait apres le naturel (Paris, 1562)Google Scholar, reproduced in facsimile as A collection of the various styles of clothing which are presently worn in countries of Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Savage Islands, all realistically depicted …, ed. Sara Shannon (Minneapolis, MN, 2001), at p. 138: ‘Les femmes là sont vestues ainsi, / Que ce pourtrait le monster [sic] et represente, / Là les Guenons, et perroquets aussi, / Aux estrangers elles mettent en vente.’ For an overview of contemporary costume books, see Rublack, Ulinka, Dressing up: cultural identity in Renaissance Europe (Cambridge, 2010)Google Scholar.

100 Deserps, Recueil, ‘Leur naturel exercise s'aplique / Coupper bresil pour en faire trafique.’

101 Ibid., pp. 86–7: ‘encor … ce lignage dure’.

102 In addition, Deserps could of course have consulted the illustrated narratives by Staden and Thevet for details of Tupi costume and armaments.

103 For the iconography of the wild man, see below, p. 346.

104 Gonneville, Voyage, p. 23: ‘peignes, couteaux, haches, miroirs … et telles babioles’.

105 This and other references to dyewood are noted in Marchant, Alexander, From barter to slavery: the economic relations of Portuguese and Indians in the settlement of Brazil, 1500–1580 (Baltimore, MD, 1942), pp. 41–2Google Scholar. For Thevet's time in Brazil, see Lestringant, Frank, André Thevet: cosmographe des derniers Valois (Geneva, 1991), pp. 89–100Google Scholar.

106 Thevet, André, Les singularitez de la France Antarctique (Paris, 1557)Google Scholar, fos. 116–17: ‘Quand les chréstiens … vont par-delà pour charger du brésil, les sauvages du pays le coupent et dépècent eux-mêmes, et aucunes fois le portent de trois ou quatre lieues jusques aux navires; je vous laisse à penser à quelle pein, et ce pour appétit de gagner quelque pauvre accoutrement de méchante doublure ou quelque chemise.’

107 Thevet, André, La cosmographie universelle (2 vols., Paris, 1575), ii, p. 950Google Scholar.

108 Further examples showing Brazilian woodcutters are: Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, MS 129 A 24, Hague (Vallière) Atlas, c. 1545; John Rylands Library, Manchester, Special Collections, French MS 1*, Rylands (Henri II) planisphere, 1546; BL-MSS, Add. MS 5413, Harleian (Dauphin) chart, c. 1547; and the Desceliers 1553 planisphere (destroyed), known through a facsimile, Oberhummer, E., Die Weltkarte des Pierre Desceliers von 1553 (Vienna, 1924)Google Scholar.

109 Léry, Histoire, preface, sig. [A.jr.].

110 Ibid., p. 174 (ch. xiii): ‘n'estoit que les estrangers que voyagent par-dela sont aidez des sauuages, ils ne sçauroyent charger vn moyen nauire en vn an’; translations (with minor alterations) are from Léry, History, ed. Whatley.

111 Léry, Histoire, p. 174 (ch. xiii): ‘Les sauuages … non seulement auec les coignees, coings de fer, & autres ferremens que les François & autres donnent, coupent, scient, fendent, mettent par quartiers & arrondissent ce bois de Brésil, mais aussi le portent sur leurs espaules toutes nues, voire le plus souuent d'vne ou deux lieues loin, par des montagnes & lieux assez fascheux iusques sur le bord de la mer … où les mariniers le reçoyuent.’

112 Tomlinson, Struggle, pp. 67–8.

113 Hamy, ‘Bas-relief’, p. 5; Denis, Ferdinand, Une fête Brésilienne célébrée à Rouen en 1550 (Paris, 1850), p. 25Google Scholar.

114 Dickason, ‘Brazilian connection’, p. 135.

115 Gaffarel, Jean Ango, pp. 5–6.

116 BL-MSS, Add. MS 24065: ‘Les hommes et femmes sont de moyen stature. hommes nuds de couler rousge, larges faces. Leurs armes sont arcz, flesches, massues desquoy ilz scauient bien vser … Ilz n'ont capitaines, hommes sans ordre vivantz en liberté. Ilz dorment en lictz de coton pendus aux arbres. Leur language diffère de cent lieues en cent lieues. Ilz sont netz de corps car ilz se lauent souuent, viuent sans loy, sans mariage. Leurs maisons sont grandes, Ly peult demoures 600 persones, couvertes de feuilles de palmes. De 7 ou 8 ans ilz changent de lieux pour cause et crainte des maladies … Leur richesses sont plumes de d'oyseulx, pierres vertes et blanches.’

117 Noted in Jean Michel Massing, ‘La mappemonde de Pierre Desceliers de 1550’, in Hervé Oursel and Julia Fritsch, eds., Henri II et les arts (Paris, 2003), pp. 231–48, at p. 235. Since Waldseemüller is known to have used Portuguese maps, it has also been argued that the correspondence between his map and the Norman ones is likely to be the result of the latter's reliance on similar Portuguese sources rather than on one of the Waldseemüller or Fries maps. The large number of cartouches with text on the Desceliers 1550 map, however, brings it much closer visually to the Waldseemüller/Fries maps than any Portuguese one other than the Miller Atlas, the only textually rich Portuguese example (Figure 5). Moreover, Portuguese cartography used fewer illustrations (again, the Miller Atlas is the only existing counter-example) and did not place cannibals in the East Indies (see facsimiles in PMC).

118 AV-C, ii, pp. 328–34: ‘Hii mediocris existentes staturae multum bene proporcionati sunt, quorum caro ad rubedinem (veluti leonum pili [sic]) vergit; qui si vestimentis operti mearent, albi credo tamquam nos extarent … Arma eorum arcus sunt et sagittae, quas multum subtiliter fabricare norunt … Nulla belli capita nullosve praefectos habent, quinimmo (cum eorum quilibet ex se dominus extet) nullo servato ordine meant … In retiaculis quibusdam magnis ex bombice factis et in aere suspensis dormitant … Corpore valde mundi sunt et expoliti, ex eo quod seipsos frequentissime lavant … Nullam legem, nullum legitimum thori foedus in suis connubiis observant … illorum domus campanarum instar constructae sunt firmiter ex magnis arboribus solidatae, palmarum foliis desuper contectae et adversus ventos et tempestates tutissimae, nonnullisque in locis tam magnae ut in illarum unica sexcentas esse personas invenerimus … Octennio quolibet aut septennio suas sedes habitationesve transferunt; qui eius rei causam interrogati, naturale responsum dederunt, dicentes quod phoebi vehementis aestus occasione hoc facerent, ob id quod ex illorum longiore in eodem residentia aer infectus corruptusque redderetur, quae res in eorum corporibus varias causaret aegritudines … Eorum divitiae sunt variorum colorum avium plumae aut in modum lapillorum illorum quos vulgariter pater noster vocitamus, laminae sive calculi quos ex piscium ossibus lapillisve viridibus aut candidis faciunt; et hos ornatus gratia sibi ad genas, labia vel aures suspendunt; alia quoque simila futilia et levia pro divitiis habent, quae nos omnino parvi pendebamus’; AV-F, pp. 61–5.

119 Staden, Warhaftige Historia, ch. xxviii: ‘Er hette schon funff Portugaleser helffen fangen und essen die alle gesagt hetten sie weren frantzosen und hettens doch gelogen.’

120 This was first printed in 1625 by Samuel Purchas; see his Hakluytus posthumus: Purchas his pilgrimes (20 vols., Glasgow, 1905–7), xvi, pp. 222–3Google Scholar.

121 BNF, Département des Manuscrits, MS fr. 24269, ‘S'ensuyt le langaige du Brésil et du françoys’, fos. 53r–54r. Discussed with extracts in Mollat du Jourdin, ‘Premières relations’, p. 72.

122 Gaffarel, Ango, pp. 29–30; Léry, Histoire, p. 220 (ch. xv).

123 For wild men in Greek and Roman works, see Bartra, Roger, Wild men in the looking glass: the mythic origins of European otherness (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994)Google Scholar, chs. 1–2.

124 Leitch, Stephanie, Mapping ethnography in early modern Germany: new worlds in print culture (New York, NY, 2010), p. 39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stephens, Walter, Giants in those days: folklore, ancient history, and nationalism (Lincoln, NE, and London, 1989), pp. 60–1Google Scholar; Bartra, Wild men, pp. 26–8.

125 Bartra, Wild men, p. 88.

126 Susi Colin, ‘The wild man and the Indian in early sixteenth-century book illustration’, in Christian F. Feest, ed., Indians and Europe: an interdisciplinary collection of essays (Aachen, 1987), pp. 5–36, at pp. 6–7.

127 For examples, see Bartra, Wild men, figs. 2, 4–5, 33–4, 48–53, 57, 83–8, 90–3. The shields are usually in the form of coats of arms, flanked by wild men or women.

128 Bernheimer, Richard, Wild men in the middle ages: a study in art, sentiment, and demonology (Cambridge, MA, 1952), p. 23CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For types of wild men, see Hayden White, ‘The forms of wildness: archaeology of an idea’, in Edward Dudley and Maximillian E. Novak, eds., The wild man within: an image in western thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh, PA, 1972), pp. 3–38, at pp. 10–28.

129 Stephens, Giants, p. 59.

130 This movement is analysed in detail in Leitch, Mapping ethnography. My overview draws on pp. 41–5. See also Rublack, Dressing up, p. 127.

131 Leitch, Mapping Ethnography, pp. 38–9.

132 See Vespucci, De novo mundo (Rostock, 1505), title-page; idem, Van den nyge[n] Insulen und landen (Magdeburg, 1506); and idem, Diss büchlin saget, sigs. B.ir, D.iiiir, and E.ivv.

133 C'est la deduction, sig. K.iiiv, noted in Wintroub, Savage mirror, pp. 40 and 61, near n. 81.

134 Wintroub, Savage mirror, pp. 47–9 and 58–62. There were also a German analogue: in c. 1495–1500, a broadsheet portrayed the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I as Hercules Germanicus; for Maximilian as Hercules, see Silver, Larry, Marketing Maximilian: the visual ideology of a Holy Roman Emperor (Princeton, NJ, 2008), pp. 23–4Google Scholar.

135 Wintroub, Savage mirror, p. 62; Thevet, André, Les vrais portraits et vies des hommes illustres (Paris 1584)Google Scholar, fo. 661v.

136 See esp. J. B. Harley, ‘Maps, knowledge and power’, in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels, eds., The iconography of landscape: essays on the symbolic representation, design and use of past environments (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 277–312, and Harley, J. B., ‘Deconstructing the map’, Cartographica, 26 (1989), pp. 1–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Other treatments of maps as propaganda and tools of political control include Buisseret, David, ed., Monarchs, ministers and maps: the emergence of cartography as a tool of government in early modern Europe (Chicago, IL, and London, 1992)Google Scholar; for maps as artefacts that glorified their owners, see, e.g., Fiorani, Francesca, The marvel of maps: art, cartography and politics in Renaissance Italy (New Haven, CT, and London, 2005)Google Scholar.