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German Jacobins and the French Revolution

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

T. C. W. Blanning
T. C. W. Blanning
Affiliation:
Sidney sussex college, Cambridge
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The Historical Journal , Volume 23 , Issue 4 , December 1980 , pp. 985 - 1002
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1980

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References

1 Scheel, , Die Mainzer Republik, p. 10Google Scholar. For complaints about the systematic neglect of the German Jacobins, see – for example – Grab's introduction to Engels, , Gedichte und Lieder deutscher Jakobiner, p. viiGoogle Scholar; Kuhn, , Jakobiner im Rheinland, pp. 11–12Google Scholar.

2 Quoted in Gooch, G. P., Germany and the French Revolution (London, 1965), pp. 39–40Google Scholar.

3 See, for example, the edition of Georg Forster's correspondence published at Leipzig in 1843 – Säntliche Werke, vols. 7–9, or Venedy's, JakobDie deutschen Republikaner unter der französischm Republik. Mit Benutzung der Aufzeichnungen seines Vaters (Leipzig, 1870)Google Scholar.

4 For example, Perthes', Politische Zustände und Personen in Deutschland zur Zeit der französischen Herrschaft (1862)Google Scholar, Dominicus', Coblenz unter dem letzten Kurfürst von Trier (1869)Google Scholar, Hesse's, Geschichte der Stadt Bonn (1879)Google Scholar, Bodtenheimer's, Die Mainzer Klubisten (1896)Google Scholar – the list could be extended at will.

5 Sagnac, P., Le Rhin français pendant la Révolution et l' Empire (Paris, 1917)Google Scholar; Hashagen, Justus, Das Rheinland und die französische Herrschaft. Beiträge zur Charakteristik ihres Gegensatzes (Bonn, 1908)Google Scholar.

6 Hansen, Joseph, Quellen zur Geschichte des Rheinlandes im Zeilalter der französischen Revolution (4 vols., Bonn, 1931–1938)Google Scholar.

7 An extreme example is Julku's, KyöstiDie revolutionäre Bewegung im Rheinland am Ende des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts (2 vols., Helsinki, 1965–1969)Google Scholar which purveys a version of the ‘Atlantic’ thesis and appears to be based very largely on Hansen's collection. The degree of selectivity required, however, to sustain Julku's belief in the existence of a revolutionary movement in the Palmer-Godechot mould almost beggars description. To adapt one of Norman Stone's mots: the only revolutionary movement in the Rhineland established by Julku was Joseph Hansen spinning in his grave.

8 The first edition of Braubach's biography of the Elector Max Franz of Cologne was published in 1925. Just's study of Franz von Lassaulx was published in 1926.

9 See especially his recent history of the university – Die Universität Mainz 1477–1977 (Mainz, 1977)Google Scholar. Unfortunately, much of his most important work is to be found in journals which are difficult to obtain outside the area in which they are published, for example: Mitteilungsblatt Zur rheinhessischen Landeskunde, Geschichtliche Landeskunde, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, Jahrbuch der Vereinigung ‘Freunde der Universität Mainz’ and so on.

10 Godechot, Jacques, La Grande Nation. L'expansion révolutionnaire de la France dans le monde 1789–1799 (2 vols., Paris, 1956)Google Scholar. Droz, Jacques, L'Allemagne et la Révolution française (Paris, 1949)Google Scholar. M. Godechot's tiresome Atlantic thesis makes only a brief appearance in the introduction to La Grande Nation and is patently at odds with the findings he conveys in the main text.

11 Mathy, Helmut, ‘Die französische Herrschaft am Mittelrhein, 1792–1814. Vom Streitobjekt zur gemeinsamen Forschungsaufgabe deutscher und französischer Historiker’, Landeskundliche Vierteljahrsblätter, XV (1969)Google Scholar.

12 A brief biographical sketch can be found in Haasis, , Bibliographic, p. 34Google Scholarn. 56.

13 Süddeutsche Jakobiner (Berlin, 1962)Google Scholar; Jakobinische Flugschriften aus dem dcutschcn Süden am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1965)Google Scholar.

14 Especially of Hansen, , Quellen and of Träger, Claus (ed.), Mainz zwiscken Rot und Schwarz: Die Mainzer Revolution 1792–1793 in Schriften, Reden und Briefen (Berlin, 1963)Google Scholar.

15 Die Mainzer Repuilik, p. 19. Cf. Scheel, Heinrich, ‘Der Jakobinerklub zu Worms 1792/93’, Jahrbuch für Geschichle, XVI (1977), 321Google Scholar and ‘Die Begegnung deutscher Aufklärer mit der Revolution’, Sitzungsberichte des Plenums und der Klassen der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, VII (1972), 10–11Google Scholar. For further discussion of this point see Blanning, T. C. W., ‘The Enlightenment in Catholic Germany’, in The Enlightenment in its national contexts, ed. Porter, Roy and Teich, Mikulas (forthcoming: Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar.

16 For Kuhn's, remarks on the continuity of the reading club/revolutionary club, see Jakobiner im Rheinland, p. 44Google Scholar and Linksrheinische deutsche Jakobiner, p. 28. Grab, Walter also supports this line – ‘Eroberung oder Befreiung? Deutsche Jakobiner und die Franzosenherrschaft im Rheinland 1792–1799’, Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, X (1970), 18Google Scholar.

17 Mathy, Helmut, ‘Die letzten Aktivitäten Georg Forsters als Mainzer Universitätsbibliothekar’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1979)Google Scholar.

18 Doyle, William, The old European order 1660–1800 (Oxford, 1978), p. 295Google Scholar.

19 Scheel, , Die Mainzer Republik, p. 19Google Scholar. See also ‘Deutscher Jakobinismus und deutsche Nation. Ein Beitrag zur nationalen Frage im Zeitalter der Grossen Französischen Revolution’, Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Klasse für Philosophic, Geschichte, Staats-, Rechts- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften (1966), pp. 7–8 and ‘Die Begegnung deutscher Auflärer mit der Revolution’, Sitzungsberichte des Plenums und der Klassen der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DER, VII (1972), 13Google Scholar – ‘The foundation ofthe club on 23 October was in no way spontaneous. The initiative stemmed from the immediate entourage of Custine, in which militant Strasbourg club-members played a decisive part’. Scheel is wrong, however, in identifying Daniel Stamm as the actual founder; in fact it was Böhmer, Georg – Dumont, Franz, ‘Unbekannte Quellen zum Mainzer Jakobinerklub’, Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte, V (1979), 184Google Scholar.

20 Scheel, , Süddeutsche Jakobiner, pp. viii and 713Google Scholar; Voegt, Hedwig, Die deulsche jakobinische Literatur und Publizistik (Berlin, 1955), pp. 11–32Google Scholar; Träger, Claus, ‘Aufklärung und Jakobinismus in Mainz 1792–3’, Weimarer Beiträge, IX, 4 (1963), 697Google Scholar.

21 Die Mainzer Republik, p. 12.

22 Ibid. introduction, passim.

23 ‘Das Verhältnis der Klassiker des Marxismus zu den Anfängen der bürgcrlichen revolutionären Demokratie in Deutschland’, Bourgeoisie und bürgerliche Umwälzung in DeutsMand 1789–1871. Karl Obermann zum 70. Geburtstag gewidmet, ed. Bleiber, Helmut (Berlin, 1977), p. 39Google Scholar.

24 Die Mainzer Republik, p. 11. Thus he can write a long and exceedingly erudite bibliographical article on the historiography of the German Jacobins which simply ignores current work by scholars, West German – ‘Die Mainzer Republik im Spiegel der deutschen Geschichtsschreibung’, Jahrbuch für Geschichte, IV (1969)Google Scholar. Scheel would do well to ponder the recent sage advice of Lawrence Stone – ‘History has always had many mansions, and must continue to do so if it is to flourish in the future. The triumph of any one genre or school eventually always leads to narrow sectarianism, narcissism and self-adulation, contempt or tyranny towards outsiders, and other disagreeable or self-defeating characteristics’; – ‘The revival of narrative: reflections on a new old history’, Past and Present, LXXXV (1979), 4Google Scholar.

25 Scheel, , Süddeutsche Jakobiner, p. ixGoogle Scholar. Cf. ‘Deutscher Jakobinismus und deutsche Nation’, p. 6.

26 ‘This totally decayed feudal society’ – ‘Spitzelberichte aus dem jakobinischen Mainz’, Jahrbuch für Geschichte, VI (1972), 501Google Scholar.

27 ‘etine echle Massenbasis’ – Die Mainzer Republik, p. 20.

28 For further discussion of the points raised in this paragraph, see my forthcoming book on counter-revolutionary movements in the 1790s.

29 The literature on Rhenish agriculture is vast but diffuse. The most convenient summary remains Steinbach, Franz, ‘Die rheinischen Agrarverhältnisse’, Tausend Jahre deutscher Geschichte und deutscher Kultur am Rhein, ed. Schulte, A. (Düsseldorf, 1925)Google Scholar. A recent collection of articles which includes a good deal on the region is Schröder-Lembke, Gertrud, Studien zur Agrargeschichte, Quellen und Forschungen zur Agrargeschichte, vol. 31 (Stuttgart and New York, 1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Dorsch, A. J., StatisHque du Département de la Roër (Cologne, 1804), p. 476Google Scholar. Eichhoff, J. J., Mémoire sur les quatre départements réunis de la rive gauche du Rhin, sur le commerce et les douanes de ce fleuve (Paris, 1802), p. 24Google Scholar. Lehne, Friedrich, Historisch-statistisches Jahrbuch des Departements vom Donnersberge für das Jahr 9 der fränkischen Republik (Mainz, 1801), p. 133Google Scholar.

31 Part III of Cobb's, RichardThe police and the people: French popular protest 1789–1820 (Oxford, 1970)Google Scholar – ‘Dearth, famine and the common people’ – should be made required reading for all those German historians who believe that French and German circumstances/experiences were essentially similar during this period.

32 The whole of Hufton's, OlwenThe poor of eighteenth-century France (Oxford, 1974)Google Scholar should also be made required reading for those German historians who believe that French and German circumstances/experiences were essentially similar during this period. So far as the Rhenish peasantry were concerned, it was probably of crucial importance that the wine market did not collapse, as it did in France – see the table published by Jordan, Friedrich von Bassermann in Geschichte des Weinbaus unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der bayerischen Rheinpfalz, 2nd edn (2 vols., Frankfurt am Main, 1923), II, 1007–14, 1086–7Google Scholar. On France cf. Labrousse, C.-E., La crise de l' économie française à la fin de l' ancien régime et au début de la Révolution (Paris, 1943), chs. 2 and 3Google Scholar.

33 There are innumerable local studies of emigration, a field in which Lokalhistoriker really come into their own. The most convenient summary is in Franz, Günther, Geschichte des deutschen Bauernstandes vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum 19. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 199–207Google Scholar.

34 I have explored this aspect of the city of Mainz, in Reform and Revolution in Mainz 1743–1803 (Cambridge, 1974), especially in chapters 2 and 8Google Scholar. See also Dreyfus, F. G., Société et mentalités à Mayence dans la seconde moitié du dix-huitièeme siècle (Paris, 1968)Google Scholar. For a very interesting recent article on some smaller Residenzstädte, see Herrmann, Hans-Walter, ‘Residenzstädte zwischen Oberrhein und Mosel’, Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter, XXXVIII (1974)Google Scholar.

36 No part of Axel Kuhn's account of events in Cologne is more unconvincing than his attempt to cast the profoundly conservative, not to say bigoted, artisans in the role of progressives – Jakobiner im Rheinland, pp. 29–30. His version should be compared with the documentary evidence printed by Hansen – Quellen, vol. 1, passim – which is particularly full on this episode.

36 On the von der Leyens see Kurschat, Wilhelm, Das Haus Friedrich und Heinrich von der Leyen in Krefeld. Zur Geschichte der Rheinlande in der Zeit der Fremdherrschaft 1794–1814 (Frankfurt am Main, 1933)Google Scholar. For a recent and exhaustive account of manufacturing in the Rhineland during the period, see Kermann, Joachim, Die Manufakturen im Rheinland 1750–1833 (Bonn, 1972Google Scholar).

37 Adelmann, Gerhard, ‘Strukturwandlungen der rheinischen Leinen- und Baumwollgewerbe zu Beginn der Industrialisierung’, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, LIII (1966), 181Google Scholar. Schulte, Fritz, Die Entwicklung der gewerblichen Wirtschaft in Rheinland-Westfalen im 18. Jahrhundert. Eine wirtschaftsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Cologne, 1959), pp. 115–17Google Scholar.

38 Barkhausen, Max, ‘Der Aufstieg der rheinischen Industrie im 18. Jahrhundert und die Entstehung eines industriellen Grossbürgertums’, Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter, XIX (1954), passimGoogle Scholar.

39 See, for example, the remonstrance of the manufacturers and merchants of Krefeld on ‘la décadence actuelle de notre industrie, de nos manufactures et de notre commerce’ – Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf, Roër Departement, Archiv des Generalrats: 191.

40 Craeybeckx, J., ‘The Brabant revolution: a conservative revolt in a backward country?’, Acta Historiae Neerlandica, IV (1970), 83Google Scholar.

41 Significantly, the literature on reforms in the Rhenish states is vast. A convenient recent summary is to be found in Braubach, Max, ‘Vom Westfälischen Frieden bis zum Wiener Kongress (1648–1815)’, Rheinische Geschichte, ed. Petri, Franz and Droege, Georg (2 vols., Düsseldorf, 1976), II, ch. 5Google Scholar.

42 Quoted in Haase, Carl, Ernst Brandes 1758–1810 (2 vols., Hildesheim, 1973, 1974), I, 372Google Scholar.

43 Scheel, , Die Mainzer Republik, p. 474Google Scholar.

44 Ibid. p. 290. For other similar comments by members of the club on their lack of support, see pp. 90, 227, 325, 371–4, 474, 478, 578. Eventually an exasperated Georg Forster renounced the name of citizen of Mainz (he had only been living in the city for four years) ‘because the Mainzers do not want to be French’ – Scheel, Heinrich, ‘Unbekannte Zeugnisse aus der revolutionären Tätigkeit Georg Forsters in und um Mainz 1792/93’, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, XXI, 1 (1973), 64Google Scholar.

45 Scheel, , Die Mainzer Republik, p. 804Google Scholar. With engaging candour and unconscious irony, Scheel contents himself with the observation that purges are normal occurrences in revolutionary organizations. They are indeed.

46 Ibid. p. 20.

47 Ibid. pp. 474, 526, 803. For references to members leaving the club, see pp. 400, 613, 653, 662–5, 698–9, 707, 724, 727. Some enterprising spectators took advantage of the dimlighting (dictated by shortage of funds) to engage in sexual activity in the back rows of the theatre in which the club held its sessions. Ibid. p. 376.

48 Ibid. pp. 89, 591, 706.

49 Ibid. pp. 140, 144, 176, 186, 187, 300, 310, 317, 326.

50 Ibid. pp. 865–913.

51 Ibid. p. 769. It is not known just how many males over the age of 21 the city contained. Scheel's estimate is rather less than 5,000, while Hansen gives a figure of 10,000 – Quellen, II, 764 n. 2.

52 Scheel, , Die Mainzer Republik, pp. 429, 712–13, 717, 726, 789Google Scholar.

53 For a newspaper account of the demonstrations attending the deportation of the Benedictines and the Carmelites, see Hansen, , Quellen, II, 769Google Scholar.

54 Ibid. II, 757–8.

55 Scheel, , Die Mainzer Republik, pp. 301, 318–20, 331, 335, 339Google Scholar. Metternich came from Trier, Hofmann from Würzburg, Wedekind, Forster, Böhmer and Blessmann from Göttingen, Cotta from Stuttgart, Pape from Westphalia, Rulffs from Bremen, Hauser from Regensburg, Stamm and Meyer from Strasbourg, and so on. The index of names – ibid. pp. 865–913 – reveals clearly just how wide the club cast its net: from Lugano to Norway, from Münster to Bohemia. Quite simply, the club was in Mainz but not of Mainz. Franz Dumont, who is preparing what will probably be the definitive account of the first French occupation of Mainz and whose judgement is usually sound, is curiously fallible on this particular point – for example, ‘Briefe aus der Mainzer Republik’ Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte, III (1977), 309Google Scholar. While it would certainly be foolish to maintain that the rank-and-file of the club were exclusively – or even mainly – ‘foreign intellectuals’, the fact remains that most of the leaders were drawn from that group. For Dumont's own trenchant criticisms of Scheel's work – especially of some serious factual errors it contains – see ‘Unbekannte Quellen zum Mainzer Jakobinerklub’, Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte, v (1979)Google Scholar.

56 Scheel, , Die Mainzer Republik, pp. 254, 260, 270, 382, 500–12Google Scholar.

57 For a fine example, see the ci-devant Professor of Medicine Georg Wedekind's worthy but tedious disquisition ‘Concerning the constitution of governments’ – ibid. pp. 118–36. The overall flavour of condescending pedantry is caught perfectly in his opening words: ‘Since the French revolution began, you have heard uttered every day the words: despot, despotism, monarch, monarchy, aristocrat, aristocracy, democrat, democracy, republic, republicans etc., and I do not doubt that many among us have a good understanding of what these expressions mean; but we have promised instruction to the general public and so we must seek to clarify as much as possible our concepts of these things by means of mutual instruction’… and so on, and so forth.

58 Ibid. pp. 292, 383, 385–6, 729. A suggestion from the intrepid Pape that members of the club should publicize their allegiance to the new order by signing a defiant open letter to Frederick William II was greeted by numerous resignations – ibid. pp. 385–9.

59 Ibid. p. 372. See also pp. 292, 325, 327–8, 467.

60 See above, n. 58.

61 Scheel, , Süddeutsche Jakobiner, pp. 9, 288, 439Google Scholar.

62 Historians who use documentary evidence to demonstrate that there was widespread and powerful opposition to the Jacobins attract one of Scheel's most majestic and revealing abusive epithets – ‘source-fetishism [Quellenfetischismus]’ – ‘Deutsche Jakobiner’, zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, XVII, 9 (1969), 1133Google Scholar.

63 Grab, Walter, ‘Von Mainz nach Hambach. Zur Kontinuität revolutionärer Bewegungen und ihrer Repression 1792–1832’, Deutschland in der Weltpolitik des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Fritz Fischer zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Geiss, Immanuel and Wendt, Berndt-Jürgen (Düsseldorf, 1973), P. 51Google Scholar. Vaccarino, Giorgio, Ipatrioti ‘anarchistes’ e l'idea dell'unità italiana (1796–1799) (Turin, 1955)Google Scholar.

64 Grab, , introduction to Engels, Gedichte und Lieder deutscher Jakobiner, p. xxxiiiGoogle Scholar. Grab is curiously inconsistent on this important point. Only three years before these words were published, he had told a conference at Brussels that it was the seizure of power by the Jacobins which occasioned the decisive change: ‘Le revirement politique en France après la chute de la Gironde eut pour conséquence une aggravation de la guerre. LesJacobins qui défendaient la République et proclamaient la “levée en masse”, étaient contre l'immixtion de la France dans les affaires intérieuresd'autres pays et contre la propagation de la Révolution par la force des armes. Se conformant aux circonstances, ils accordaient la priorité au facteur économique sur le facteur politique et voyaient dans les territoires occupés, avant tout une source d'approvisionnement pour la France épuisée. Puisque les autres peuples ne s'étaient pas détournés de leurs gouvemements, on les traiteraitdésormais en conséquence. Le 18 septembre 1793, la Convention décida de rénoncer à toutes les idées philanthropiques; la France ne combattait plus pour la libération de l'humanité, mais pour sa propre existence nationale. Les généraux francjais recurent Pordre de se comporter dans les territoires occupés aussi brutalement que leurs adversaires’ – Occupants-occupés 1792–1815. Colloque de Bruxelles, 29 et 30 Janvier 1968 (Brussels, 1969), p. 129Google Scholar.

65 Cobb, , The police and the people, p. 290Google Scholar.

66 Mémoires du Maréchal Ney, duc d'Elchingen, prince de la Moskowa, publiés par sa famille (2 vols., Brussels, 1833), I, 95Google Scholar.

67 Scott, Samuel F., ‘The regeneration of the line army during the French revolution’, Journal of Modern History, XLII(1970), 327Google Scholar. See also his book The response of the royal army to the French revolution. The role and development of the line army 1787–1793 (Oxford, 1978), p. 175Google Scholar.

68 Paris, Archives nationales, Fle 40.

69 See, for example, a contemporary account in Cardauns, Hermann (ed.), Köln in der Franzosenzeit. Aus der Chronik des Anno Schnorrenberg 1789–1802 (Bonn and Leipzig, 1923), pp. 46, 87Google Scholar.

70 Cobb, Richard, Les armiés révolutiortnaires, instrument de la Terreur dans les départements avril 1793–floréal an II (2 vols., Paris, 1961), II, 695–6Google Scholar. Cf. the recent general observation of Jean-Paul Bertaud: ‘Cette guerre conservait des aspects traditionnels: le plus évident résidait dans le fait que les arméesde la République vivaient sur le pays conquis. Le “missionaire armé”, un homme qui souvent réquisitionnait, parfois pillait, toujours maraudait’ –‘Voies nouvelles pour l'histoire militaire de la Révolution’, Annales historiques de la Révolution française, XLVII (1975),87Google Scholar.

71 Michon, Georges, ‘La justice militaire sous la Révolution’, Annales révolutionnaires, XIV (1922), 1–25Google Scholar.

72 Aulard, F.-A., Recueil des actes du comité de salut public, avec la correspondence officielle des représenlants en mission et le registre du conseil exécutif provisoire (30 vols., Paris, 1933–1955), III; 130–1Google Scholar.

73 ‘When the French revolution suddenly brought a national army backon the stage of war, the government's means were no longer adequate. The whole military system, which had been built on these limited means and in turn found security in them, broke up, and that included the sector that concerns us here, the supply system. The French revolutionary leaders cared little for depots and even less for devising a complicated mechanism that would keep all sections of the transport system running like clockwork. They sent their soldiers intothe field and drove their generals into battle – feeding, reinforcing, and stimulating their armies by having them procure, steal, and loot everything they needed’ – On War, edited and translated by Howard, Michael and Paret, Peter (Princeton, 1976), p. 332Google Scholar.

74 It appears on the cover, indeed.

75 Kuhn, , Linksrheinische deutsche Jakobiner, p. xiGoogle Scholar.

76 Kuhn, , Jakobiner im Rheinland, p. 181Google Scholar.

77 For his curious views on conditions in the Rhineland before 1792, see Jakobiner im Rheinland, pp. 24–30 and 176–7, and on the representative natureof the small, chronically factious and short-lived Cologne club, see ibid. p. 141.

78 Kuhn, , Linksrheinische deutsche Jakobiner, p. 182Google Scholar.

79 For other similar examples, see ibid. pp. 45–7 and Jakobiner im Rheinland, p. 113.

80 For a full examination of the social and economic collapse caused by the French occupation, see my forthcoming book on counter-revolutionary movements in western Germany in the 1790s. There is much valuable information on this topic in Godechot's, JacquesLes commissaires aux armées sous le Directoire (2 vols., Paris, 1937)Google Scholar.

81 Indeed, some German exiles in Paris ended up on the guillotine during the Terror. One cannot help but wonder whether Euiogius Schneider remembered the words of the poem he wrote to celebrate the execution of Louis XVI as he himself mounted the guillotine on 1 April 1794. The poem is reprinted in Engels, Gedichle und Lieder deutscher Jakobiner, p. 144.

82 Kuhn, , Jakobiner im Rheinland, pp. 97, 118–19Google Scholar.

83 Ibid. pp. 149–51. Linksrheinische deutsche Jakobiner, p. 34. See also the vitriolic attacks on the French administration launched by the intrepid Görres, Joseph in his various journals – Politische Schriflen der Frühzeit 1795–1800, ed. Braubach, Max (Cologne, 1928)Google Scholar.

84 There was a similar – but even more radical – development in Italy at this time. See especially Godechot, Jacques, ‘I francesi e l'unità italiana sotto il Direttorio’, Rivista storica italiana, LXIV, 4 (1952)Google Scholar and Vaccarino, Giorgio, Ipatrioti ‘anarchistes’ e l'idea dell'unità italiana (1796–1799) (Turin, 1955)Google Scholar.

85 Kuhn, , Linksrheinische deutsche Jakobiner, pp. 268–70Google Scholar.

86 Haasis, , Bibliographie, p. 8Google Scholar.

87 Some idea of Haasis' own position in the political spectrum can begained from his observation that Grab is a ‘right-wing liberal’. Ibid. p. 11.