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The Making of the Secret Treaty of Dover, 1668–1670

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

R. Hutton
R. Hutton
Affiliation:
University of Bristol
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Extract

Few international agreements have provoked more controversy among historians than that concluded at Dover, on 22 May 1670, by representatives of the English and French Crowns. Its main provisions were for an offensive war against the Dutch republic of the United Provinces, leading to its destruction as a European power, and for the public profession by the English king, Charles II, of the Roman Catholic faith, which had been regarded by most English people for a hundred years as the bitterest enemy of their own church. The existence of this treaty was concealed not only from the other European states and the subjects of the respective monarchs, but from the greater number of their own ministers. The motives of Charles in making this amazing pact have remained a mystery. In the present century, they have been represented by Sir Keith Feiling as an attempt to unite Catholics and Protestant dissenters as a foundation for a stronger monarchy; by Cyril Hartmann, K. H. D. Haley, David Ogg and Lady Antonia Fraser as a decision to hitch England to the fortunes of Europe's strongest state, France; by Sir Arthur Bryant as a wish to ensure his country a share of the Spanish empire and his throne a dependable group of supporters in the form of the Catholics; by Maurice Lee and J. R. Jones as a grand design to make himself independent of his subjects in general and of parliament in particular; and by John Miller as a desire for vengeance upon the Dutch.

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Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 29 , Issue 2 , June 1986 , pp. 297 - 318
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1986

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References

1 All dates given are old style.

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3 I am extremely grateful to the present Baron and Baroness Clifford of Chudleigh, and more immediately to Captain the Honourable T. H. Clifford and his lady, for their permission to inspect the documents at Ugbrooke House and for their hospitality while doing so. That work laid the foundation for this essay.

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29 Bebington, (ed.), Letters, pp. 372–5, 390Google Scholar.

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31 Mignet, III, 242–52.

32 P R. O., S.P. 29/284/22.

33 Commons' Journals, IX, 97–141; Lords' Journals, XII, 315–51; Statutes, V, 653–6.

34 P.R.O., P.R.O. 31/3/118, fo. 210; 123, fo. 2, dispatches of Ruvigny and Colbert de Croissy, 1667–9; C.S.P.V. (1666–8), passim; P.R.O., S.P. 29/233–66, passim, letters to Williamson and Sir John Finch; Sylvester, Matthew (ed.), Reliquiae Baxterianae (1696), book I, part III, pp. 50–1Google Scholar.

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36 P.R.O., S.P. 44/30, fo. 37, warrent to Newport and Clifford; de Beer, E. S. (ed.), The dairy of John Evelyn (Oxford, 1955), IV, 18Google Scholar.

37 Apart from diplomatic records quoted above, see P.R.O., P.R.O. 31/3/118, fo. 210, Ruvigny to Louis, 26 Dec. 1667.

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39 Feilling, , Foreign policy, pp. 267–70Google Scholar, reviews evidence.

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42 One satirist compared him rudely to a mastiff dog quoted in Wilson, John H, A rake and his times (New York, 1954), p 216Google Scholar

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51 It was discussed with horror as far away as Caernarvonshire: National Library of Wales, Wynn MSS, Lady Sarah to Sir Richard Wynn, 22 Mar. 1668.

52 The Cabal, pp. 104, 167.

53 Pepys's diary, IX, 26, 293–5, 335–6, 360, 466–8; P.R.O., S.P. 29/234/215, John Morland to John Tempest, 18 Feb. 1668; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fo. 124, Starkey to Aston, 2 Dec. 1668.

54 Pepys's diary, IX, 7, 40–2, 205, 323, 386–7.

55 Ibid. pp. 462–91; P.R.O., P.R.O. 31/3/121, fos. 198–200, Colbert de Croissy to Lionne, 1 Mar. 1669; B.L. Egerton MSS 2539, fos. 327–31, Sir John to Sir Edward Nicholas, 3 and 9 Mar. 1669; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fo. 129, Starkey to Aston, 2 Mar. 1669.

56 Calendar of treasury books (1669–72), part 1, pp. 1–77.

57 P.R.O., S.P. 29/245/8, 74, newsletters 8 and 27 Aug. 1668, S.P. 29/239/55, commission of inquiry, Aug. 1668; Browning, , Danby, II, 21–4Google Scholar; Carte, Thomas, An history of the life of James, duke of Ormonde (1736), III, 62–5Google Scholar; Bod. L. Carte MSS 36, fo. 418; 48, fos. 237–82; 49, fos. 555–612; 51, fos. 86, 396; 52, fo. 183; 217, fo. 439; 220, fos. 341–91, letters from Ormonde, earl of Ossory, Richard Jones, Anglesey and privy council, Jan.–Aug. 1668; B.L. Egerton MSS 2539, fos. 238–60, Sir John to Sir Edward Nicholas, July-Aug. 1668.

58 Pepys's diary, IX, 340–1; P.R.O., S.P. 44/18, fos. 345, 608, Anglesey to king, 5 Dec. 1668, and reply; Bulstrode papers, pp. 71–2; Bod.L. Carte MSS 36, fo. 367; 48, fos. 280–313, letters from the commission of inquiry and from Ormonde; National Library of Scotland, MS 3136, fo. 48, Lauderdale to Tweeddale, 12 Nov. 1668; B.L. Egerton MSS 2539, fo. 279, 10 Nov. 1668.

59 Pepys's diary, IX, 310.

60 Rev. Morrice, Thomas (ed.), A collection of the state letters of the first earl of Orrery (London, 1742), pp. 314–20Google Scholar; Carte MSS 36, fos. 351–2; 48, fos. 155–327; 49, fos. 537–612; 69, fos. 138–40; 70, fos. 419–20; 141, fos. 74–200; 220, fos. 360–418, letters of Ormonde, Ossory, Orrery and Archbishop Boyle. If Carte's Ormonde is too much of a panegyric, the life of Orrery by Morrice, preserved in full as National Library of Ireland MS 473, seems utterly untrustworthy when read alongside contemporary sources for the events described.

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63 P.R.O., S.P. 106/176 onward, minutes of committee for foreign affairs; S.P. 63/325/23, Sir George Rawdon to Conway, 3 Mar. 1669, and 106, Ormonde's comment on instructions to Robartes.

64 P.R.O., S.P. 63/325/20, Orrery to Conway, 27 Feb. 1669; National Library of Ireland, MS letters of duchess of Ormonde, letter to Captain George Mathew, n.d. but clearly Feb. 1669; Carte MSS 48, fos. 338–46, Ormonde to Ossory, Mar.–May 1669 and 220, fos. 445–6, Ossory to Ormonde, 23 Feb. 1669.

65 Such as the failed bill of 1663.

66 Carte MSS 37, fo. 488, Lord Ranelagh to Ormonde, 22 Mar. 1670 and 48, fos. 350–4, Ormonde to Ossory, May–July 1669; P.R.O., S.P. 63/324/14–327/108, letters of Sir George Lane, Henry Ford, Lord O'Brien, Lord Herbert, Robert Leigh, Sir Nicholas Armourer, Philip Frowde, Orrery, Robartes, Arlington and the king, October 1669–May 1670.

67 P.R.O., S.P. 63/318/224, 327/14–121, letters of Leigh, Frowde, Sir Ellis Leighton, Berkeley and the king, Jan.–May 1670.

68 P.R.O., S.P. 63/327/44, Orrery to Conway, 12 Mar. 1670.

69 P.R.O., P.R.O. 31/3/121, fos. 247–8, Colbert de Croissy to Louis, 15 Apr. 1669; C.S.P.V. (1669–70), p. 60.

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71 As edited by Clarke, 1, 441–3, and in Bod.L. Carte MSS 198, fo. 47. The best discussion of the surviving versions of these memoirs is in Miller, , James II, appendix, though my comments upon their reliability are intended to represent my own views, based upon use of them for the period 1658–1970Google Scholar, and not necessarily Dr Miller's.

72 The Cabal, p. 102.

73 P R.O., S.P. 29/235/140, letter to Sir John Finch, n.d. but clearly early 1668; B.L. Egerton MSS 2539, fo. 292, Sir John to Sir Edward Nicholas, 4 Dec. 1668; C.S.P.V. (1669–70), pp. 79–80; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fo. 121, Starkey to Aston, 12 Dec. 1668; H.M.C. 10th Report, appendix. IV, p. 114. Burnet, , History, 1, 469–74Google Scholar, tells some much more colourful and less credible stories about the intrigues surrounding the matter.

74 Bryant, E.g. (ed.), Letters, pp. 212, 214Google Scholar, P.R.O., S.P. 44/30, fo. 7 and 34, fo. 22, warrants for gifts, 12 Feb. 1668 and 4 May 1670.

75 Lords' Journals, XII, 311, 329; C.S.P.V. (1669–70), pp. 174–5; Harris, Sandwich, II, appendix 1; P.R O., P.R.O. 31/3/123, fos. 55–66, Colbert de Croissy to Louis, Mar.–Apr. 1670; Berwick, (ed.), Rawdon papers, pp. 239–41; P.R.O., S.P. 63/327/44, 51, 66, Orrery to Conway, Mar.–Apr. 1670; Margoliouth, H. M. (ed.), The poems and letters of Andrew Marvell, 3rd edn (Oxford, 1971), 11, 313 16Google Scholar.

76 P.R.O., S.P. 44/31, fo. 35, commission, 3 Oct. 1669.

77 Pepys's diary, IX, 438; Westergaard, (ed.), First Triple Alliance, p. 32Google Scholar; Berwick, (ed.), Rawdon papers, pp. 236–8Google Scholar; Bod.L. Carte MSS 221, fos. 116–17, Arlington to Ossory, 31 Oct. 1668 and 36, fo. 593, Broderick to Ormonde, 1 Dec. 1668.

78 The various subsidiary offices of the dead general were divided: P.R.O., S.P. 44/20, fo. 205, 44/30 fo. 188.

79 Roseveare, Henry, The treasury 1660–1870 (London, 1973), documents 1–8Google Scholar.

80 Pepys's diary, IX, 253–360, 446–7, 525; Magdalene College, Pepys Library, MSS 2867, fo. 401, and 2242, ‘An inquisition by H.R.H. the Duke of York’.

81 For military commissions see Dalton, Charles (ed.), English army lists and commission registers 1661–1714 (London, 1892), 1, 97–8Google Scholar. The Scottish Militia Act of November 1669, which has been interpreted as a preparation for the possible use of Scottish forces to impose the royal will upon England, was nothing of the kind. It merely gave effect to an act of 1663, as part of a transfer of internal security from a standing army to county militias, a reversal of the process a prospective despot would require. Lauderdale was surprised by contemporary fears that it signified more: Airy, Osmund (ed.), The Lauderdale papers (London, Camden Soc., 1885), pp. 101–3, 140–1, 150–64Google Scholar; Brown, P.Hume (ed.), The register of the privy council for Scotland (1665–9) (London, n.d.), pp. 389–548Google Scholar; The acts of the parliaments of Scotland, VII (London, 1820), pp. 554–5Google Scholar; SirMackenzie, George, Memoirs of the affairs of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1821), pp. 165–7Google Scholar.

82 Such as the dissolution of parliament (P.R.O. P.R.O 31/3/121, fo. 235, Colbert de Croissy to Lionne, 1 Apr. 1669) or the question of conventicles, discussed below.

83 For English policy see Hutton, , The Restoration, and Bryant, (ed.), Letters, pp. 214–15Google Scholar. For the Scots see Cowan, Ian B., The Scottish Covenanters 1660–1688 (London, 1976), chs. 3–5Google Scholar.

84 Robbins, (ed.), Milward's diary, pp. 179–80, 201, 207, 214–25, 248, 258, 282, 293Google Scholar; Grey, , Debates, 1, 97, 110–31, 148–50Google Scholar; Commons' Journals, IX, 60, 66; Lords' Journals, XII, pp. 237–40; Pepys's diary, IX, 30, 60, 95–6, 112; Cobbett's, Parliamentary history of England, IV (1808), 413Google Scholar; H.M.C. 8th Report, part 1, no. 126; Margoliouth, (ed.), Marvell's letters, 11, 69–70Google Scholar; Simon, W., ‘Comprehension in the age of Charles II’, Church History, XXXI (1962), 442–5Google Scholar; Steele, Robert (ed.), Tudor and Stuart proclamations (Oxford, 1910), no. 3514Google Scholar; H.M.C. Portland MSS 11, 147; B.L. Egerton MSS 2539, fos. 162, 168, 170, 208, Sir John to Sir Edward Nicholas, 3 Mar. 24 Apr. 1668; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fo. 59, Starkey to Aston, 23 Jan. 1668.

85 P.R.O., S.P. 29/232/70, 187, 234/35, 245/20> 247/133, letters from Yarmouth, Staffordshire, Westmorland; Airy (ed.), Lauderdale papers, 11, 103–5, 113–15, 125, appendix A, pp. lxii–lxiv; Bod.L. Carte MSS 36, fo. 493, Archbishop Boyle to Ormonde, 26 Sept. 1668 and 141, fo. 98, Ormonde to Archbishop, 8 Mar. 1669; P.R.O., S.P. 63/324/44, Rawdon to Conway, 17 Mar. 1668.

86 Pepys's diary, IX, 278; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fos. 107, 119, Starkey to Aston, 4 July and 18 Nov. 1668 and 10117, fo. 225V, Rugge's Diurnall, Nov. 1668.

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103 The committee for foreign affairs agreed ‘to frame an entire scheme of all the matter’ on 9 Jan. P.R.O., S.P. 104/176, fo. 225V.

104 John Vaughan was knighted and made chief justice of the common pleas in May 1668, William Garroway was made one of the commission of inquiry into the Irish revenue in August (though he refused to serve) and Sir Thomas Lyttleton a vice-treasurer of the navy in November. Sir Richard Temple was to be given office after he joined the court party in late 1670.

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