Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 May 2014
The Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, King of Dahomy of Robert Norris, first published in 1789, is a history of the west African kingdom of Dahomey during the reign of Tegbesu (“Bossa”), dated by Norris to 1732-1774 (though the correct dates are now known to be 1740-1774). In addition to its separate publication in 1789, Norris' material was also included, in a revised form, in the more comprehensive History of Dahomy compiled by Archibald Dalzel, published in 1793. This second version incorporates numerous detailed alterations and elaborations, mainly stylistic but occasionally relating to matters of substance; according to the Editor of Dalzel's History, these revisions were the work of Norris himself, although he had died before the work was brought to publication. This incorporation of Norris' work into that of Dalzel has had the effect of diminishing his reputation and perceived importance, since his material has usually been cited through (and by implication attributed to) Dalzel, rather than directly under his own name. His Memoirs, however, clearly have immense historiographical significance, as the first serious attempt by a European to write the history of a west African state.
In addition to its purely historiographical interest, Norris' work remains an important source for the history of eighteenth-century Dahomey. Its value as a historical source, however, is problematical. On the one hand, Norris, as a slave trader who had operated in Dahomey for several years, had claims to be an exceptionally well-informed observer of Dahomian affairs.
1. Norris, Robert, Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, King of Dahomy, An Inland Country of Guiney, to which are added the Author's Journey to Abomey, the Capital, and A Short Account of the African Slave Trade (London, 1789; reprinted 1968)Google Scholar [hereafter, Memoirs].
2. Dalzel, Archibald, The History of Dahomy, an Inland Kingdom of Africa, compiled from Authentic Memoirs (London, 1793; reprinted with a new Introduction by J. D. Fage, 1967)Google Scholar [hereafter, History].
3. Ibid., vi.
4. Norris' work was preceded by that of the Proyart, Abbé, Histoire de Loango, Kakongo, et autres Royaumes d'Afrique (Lyon, 1776Google Scholar; reprinted Farnborough, 1968). This work, however, despite its title, offers in fact an essentially synchronic description of the African societies concerned; the strictly historical section of it (Part II) deals with European missionary enterprise in the area.
5. History, vi.
6. Akinjogbin, I. A., Dahomey and its Neighbours, 1708–1818 (Cambridge, 1967), 3, 73–75.Google Scholar
7. Cf. Law, Robin, “Dahomey and the Slave Trade: Reflections on the Historiography of the Rise of Dahomey,” JAH, 27 (1986), 247–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
8. Cf. e.g. Hérissé, A. L., L'ancien royaume du Dahomey (Paris, 1911), esp. 5–7 (royal absolutism), and 39–40Google Scholar (human sacrifice and militarism).
9. Memoirs, 2-3, 7-10.
10. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 105–10, 115–17.Google Scholar
11. Ross, David, “The Dahomean Middleman System, 1727–c.1818,” JAH, 28 (1987), 362–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
12. Memoirs, 2-3; cf. History, 63.
13. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 97n3, 99n2, 111, 116n3, 120n1, 121n3, 132ns1-2, 138n1.Google Scholar
14. For the question of Agaja's motives in attacking Whydah, and its relationship to the debate on the slave trade, cf. Law, , “Dahomey,” 243–47.Google Scholar
15. For some discussion of the discrepancies between Norris' version of these traditions and later recensions, cf. Law, Robin, “History and Legitimacy: Aspects of the Use of the Past in Pre-Colonial Dahomey,” HA, 15 (1988), 438–39, 446.Google Scholar
16. Memoirs, 3-4.
17. Ibid., x, 67; cf. History, 109.
18. Memoirs, 109; History, 137.
19. Memoirs, 7-8; History, 69.
20. Memoirs, 53; History, 100n.
21. Memoirs, x, 56; History, 102.
22. Memoirs, 14, 44, 58, 60; History, 73, 93,104, 105.
23. Memoirs, 29-33; History, 83-85.
24. Memoirs, x, 67, 103n, 129n, 137, 141; History, 109, 132n.
25. The only published source other than Norris himself dealing with Dahomey under Tegbesu was Pommegorge, Pruneau de, Description de la Nigritie (Amsterdam, 1789)Google Scholar, which was presumably not published in time to be available to Norris in preparing the original version of the Memoirs, but might have been (but was not) utilized in their revision for inclusion in Dalzel's History.
26. Cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 107Google Scholar; Verger, Pierre, Flux et Reflux de la Traite des Nègres entre le Golfe de Bénin et Bahia de Todos os Santos du XVIIe au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1968), 171–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
27. Archives Nationales, Paris [hereafter, AN]: C.6/25, Levet, Juda [=Whydah], 26 Aug. 1733.
28. Cf. Law, , “Ideologies of Royal Power: the Dissolution and Reconstruction of Political Authority on the ‘Slave Coast,’ 1680–1750,” Africa, 57 (1987), 326.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
29. Van Dantzig, Albert, ed., The Dutch and the Guinea Coast 1674–1742: A Collection of Documents from the General State Archive at The Hague (Accra, 1978), 353Google Scholar: Elmina Journal, 1 Feb. 1741; Hérissé, Le, Ancien royaume, 299–300.Google Scholar
30. Cf. Law, , “History and Legitimacy,” 441.Google Scholar
31. Note also Norris' assertion that on his accession Tegbesu put to death “every man of the name of Bossa [Tegbesu]” (Memoirs, 6-7; History, 68); and cf. the story in recent Dahomian tradition that he publicly cursed his brother Tokpa (who had objected to his treatment of Aghidisu), and pronounced any future prince bearing the name Tokpa ineligible for succession to the throne (Hérissé, Le, Ancien royaume, 8, 300–01Google Scholar). It seems probable that these accounts allude to the same incident, but it is difficult to know whether it was Norris who misunderstood or later tradition which misrepresents Tegbesu's action.
32. Cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 105.Google Scholar
33. Hérissé, Le, Ancien royaume du Dahomey, 34.Google Scholar Le Hérissé himself, it should be noted, asserts that the office of Mehu was created by Tegbesu, obviously implying that no chief of this title could have been involved either in a rebellion against Agaja or in opposing Tegbesu's own accession (ibid., 41); but against this, see Argyle, W. J., The Fon of Dahomey (Oxford, 1966), 72.Google Scholar
34. Hérissé, Le, Ancien royaume, 300.Google Scholar
35. Danztig, Van, Dutch, 359Google Scholar: Elmina Journal, 23 May 1742; AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 20 Aug. 1743 and 31 Jan. 1744; Public Record Office, London [hereafter, PRO]: T.70/424A, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 Jan.-30 June 1748, in Cape Coast Journal, Sept.-Oct. 1748.
36. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 107n2.Google Scholar Gregory arrived at Whydah on 22 March 1739: PRO, T.70/4, Somers, Gregory, and Mills, Whydah, 20 May 1739.
37. PRO: T.70/424A, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 Jan.-30 June 1748; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 123.Google Scholar
38. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 107, 123Google Scholar, followed by Law, Robin, The Oyo Empire, c.1600–c.1836 (Oxford, 1977), 162–63.Google Scholar
39. Gregory and his fellow-officials record having been “received by [the king of] Dahomy” sometime between March and May of 1739, but refer only to negotiations with him about debts: PRO, T.70/4, Somers, Gregory, and Mills, Whydah, 20 May 1739. In November 1739 Gregory again incurred expenses “attending the King of Dahomy at Ardrah [Aliada],” whereas in Norris' account at the time of the Oyo invasion he was with the king at the town of “Zassa” near Abomey: T.70/892, Ledger, William's Fort, Whydah, 22 Nov. 1739.
40. PRO: T.70/1158, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, 10 March, 1753; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 132.Google Scholar
41. Hérissé, Le,, Ancien royaume, 132.Google Scholar
42. Bergé, J., “Etude sur le Pays Mahi,” Bulletin du Comité d'Etudes Historiques de l'A.O.F., 11/4 (1928), 746.Google Scholar
43. AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 20 Nov. 1733; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 97–93.Google Scholar
44. Archives Départementales de la Loire-Atlantique, Nantes: B.4587, 26 Nov. 1736, Report of voyage of La Paix; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 100.Google Scholar
45. AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 20 Aug. 1743; cf. Verger, , Flux et Refleux, 173–79.Google Scholar
46. AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 20 Aug. 1743.
47. PRO: T.70/423, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 May-31 Aug. 1747, in Cape Coast Journal, Nov.-Dec. 1747; cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 121Google Scholar; but also Ross, , “Dahomean Middleman System,” 365n45.Google Scholar Contrary to Ross, I interpret “Caukaow” and “Cockavo” (and also “Cakawo,” “Cakaow”) as variant spellings of the same Dahomian title.
48. PRO: T.70/1158, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, Nov.-Dec. 1755. The other senior official killed on this occasion was the “Bonio [Boya].”
49. Cf. Ross, , “Dahomean Middleman System,” 365.Google Scholar The title Yevogan (“Evegah”) is first attested in PRO: T.70/704, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 Jan.-30 April 1746, in Cape Coast Journal, Nov.-Dec. 1746.
50. PRO: T.70/4, Henry Turner, Whydah, 15 March 1741; AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 13 Oct. 1746.
51. AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 20 Aug. 1743; cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 120n1.Google Scholar
52. Arthur Graham, the immediate (acting) successor of Gregory as Governor of the English fort, in December 1745 was welcomed by “Tegan or King's Viceroy,” but his successor Henry Turner early in 1746 by “Evegah Viceroy,” PRO: T.70/703-704, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1-31, Dec. 1745, and 1 Jan.-30 April 1746, in Cape Coast Journal, Jan.-Feb. and Nov.-Dec. 1746. The disappearance of the Tegan may have been connected with an incident in late 1745 or early 1746 when Tegbesu executed “all the black merchants left” at Whydah, but these are not specifically said to have included the Tegan: AN, C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 1 Feb. 1746.
53. Memoirs, 41, 47; History, 91, 96. In the mid-nineteenth century, in contrast, the Yevogan of Whydah was clearly a free Dahomian, whose family owned an estate at Dekon, near Abomey: Forbes, Frederick E., Dahomey and the Dahomans (2 vols.: London, 1851; reprinted 1966), 2:72.Google Scholar
54. Cf. e.g. Reindorf, Carl Christian, The History of the Gold Coast and Asante (2d ed., reprinted Accra, 1966), 36–37.Google Scholar
55. Dantzig, Van, Dutch, 328Google Scholar: Declaration of Johan Joost Steinmark, Elmina, 4 Dec. 1737.
56. Ashangmo (“Ashampoe”) was reportedly still alive in 1764; cf. Kea, R. A., “Akwamu-Anlo Relations, c.1750–1813,” THSG, 10 (1969), 37.Google Scholar
57. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 116, 120.Google Scholar
58. AN: C.6/25, Pruneau, and Guestard, , “Mémoire pour servir à l'intelligence du commerce de Juda,” 18 March 1750, p. 8Google Scholar; PRO: T.70/1158, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, May-June 1752.
59. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 112, 137–38.Google Scholar
60. PRO, T.70/1159, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, 12 July 1763; AN, C.6/26, “Mémoire sur le Fort de Juda,” n.d., also reproduced in Berbain, Simone, Le comptoirfrançais de Juda (Ouidah) au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1942; reprinted Amsterdam, 1968), 97–98Google Scholar; Pommegorge, Pruneau de, Description de la Nigritie, 225–6Google Scholar; cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 138.Google Scholar
61. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey, 148–49.Google Scholar
62. PRO: T.70/1158, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, 13 July 1772, reports the arrival of the Mehu at Whydah “with full power from the King of Dahomy to settle all differences with the Popoes.”