Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-m6dg7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-11T00:48:01.023Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Reconceiving Schooling: Centering Indigenous Experimentation in Indian Education History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 November 2020

Meredith L. McCoy  and
Matthew Villeneuve
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Federal agents, church officials, and education reformers have long used schooling as a weapon to eliminate Indigenous people; at the same time, Indigenous individuals and communities have long repurposed schooling to protect tribal sovereignty, reconstitute their communities, and shape Indigenous futures. Joining scholarship that speaks to Indigenous perspectives on schooling, this paper offers seven touchpoints from Native nations since the 1830s in which Indigenous educators repurposed “schooling” as a technology to advance Indigenous interests. Together, these stories illustrate the broad diversity of Native educators’ multifaceted engagements with schooling and challenge settler colonialism's exclusive claim on schools. Though the outcomes of their efforts varied, these experiments with schooling represent Indigenous educators’ underappreciated innovations in the history of education in the United States.

Keywords

schoolingagencyNative American educationIndian educationhistory of educationIndigenous peoples
Type
Articles
Information
History of Education Quarterly , Volume 60 , Issue 4 , November 2020 , pp. 487 - 519
Copyright
Copyright © 2020 History of Education Society

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 In this article we use “Indigenous” and “Native” interchangeably to refer to groups of people. Tribally-specific names are used when referencing particular people and nations. The term “Indian education” references federal offices and policies designed to implement schooling “for” Indigenous people rather than “by” Indigenous people. See Lomawaima, K. Tsianina, “American Indian Education: by Indians versus for Indians,” in A Companion to American Indian History, ed. Deloria, Philip J. and Salisbury, Neal (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 422–40Google Scholar; and Lawrence, Adrea, Kroupa, KuuNUx TeeRIt, and Warren, Donald, “Introduction,” History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Aug. 2014), 253–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Lomawaima, “American Indian Education: By Indians versus for Indians,” 422–40.

3 Thompson, Thomas, ed., The Schooling of Native America (Washington, DC: Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, 1978)Google Scholar; Andrews, Thomas G., “Turning the Tables on Assimilation: Oglala Lakotas and the Pine Ridge Day Schools, 1889–1920s,” Western Historical Quarterly 33, no. 4 (Winter 2002), 407–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McCarty, Teresa L., A Place to Be Navajo: Rough Rock and the Struggle for Self-Determination in Indigenous Schooling (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lomawaima, K. Tsianina and McCarty, Teresa L., “To Remain an Indian”: Lessons in Democracy from a Century of Native American Education (New York: Teachers College Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Davis, Julie L., Survival Schools: The American Indian Movement and Community Education in the Twin Cities (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Smith, Linda Tuhiwai, Tuck, Eve, and Yang, K. Wayne, Indigenous and Decolonizing Studies in Education (New York: Routledge, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Miller, Susan A., “Native America Writes Back: The Origin of the Indigenous Paradigm in Historiography,” Wicaso Sa Review 23, no. 2 (Fall 2008), 18Google Scholar.

5 Warren, Donald, “American Indian Histories as Education History,” History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Aug. 2014), 255–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lawrence, Adrea, “Epic Learning in an Indian Pueblo: A Framework for Studying Multigenerational Learning in the History of Education,” History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Aug. 2014), 286–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lomawaima, K. Tsianina, “History without Silos, Ignorance versus Knowledge, Education beyond Schools,” History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Aug. 2014), 349–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cervera, Yesenia Lucia, “Negotiating the History of Education: How the Histories of Indigenous Education Expand the Field,” History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Aug. 2014), 362–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Adams, David Wallace, “Beyond Horace Mann: Telling Stories about Indian Education,” History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Aug. 2014), 384–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Cervera, “Negotiating the History of Education,” 382.

7 Lomawaima and McCarty, “To Remain an Indian,” 20.

8 Raphael Wilkins, “Is Schooling a Technology, a Process of Socialisation, or a Consumer Product?,” Management in Education 19, no. 1, (Feb. 2005), 25–31.

9 Jaskiran Dhillon frames mission and residential schools as “technologies of colonial rule.” Dhillon, Jaskiran K., Prairie Rising: Indigenous Youth, Decolonization, and the Politics of Intervention (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2017), 93Google Scholar.

10 Indeed, Osage scholar Jean Dennison argues that “American Indian nations have long understood the colonial process as at once devastating and full of potential. Dennison, Jean, Colonial Entanglement: Constituting a Twenty-First-Century Osage Nation (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012), 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Patricia Locke, “An Ideal School System for American Indians - A Theoretical Construct,” in The Schooling of Native America, ed. Thomas Thompson (Washington, D.C.: Office of Education, 1978), 119.

12 Brooks, Lisa Tanya, The Common Pot: The Recovery of Native Space in the Northeast (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008), 15Google Scholar.

13 Frederick E. Hoxie, “Retrieving the Red Continent: Settler Colonialism and the History of American Indians in the US,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 31, no. 6 (Sept. 2008), 1164.

14 K. Tsianina Lomawaima and Teresa L. McCarty, “Revisiting and Clarifying the Safety Zone,” Journal of American Indian Education 53, no. 3 (Jan. 2014), 64.

15 Lomawaima and McCarty, “Revisiting and Clarifying the Safety Zone,” 64,66.

16 “Constitution of the Cherokee Nation [Sept. 6, 1839],” in The Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation: Passed at Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation, 1839–51 (Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation, 1852), 5–15, https://www.loc.gov/law/help/american-indian-consts/PDF/28014182.pdf.

17 Reed, Julie L., “Family and Nation: Cherokee Orphan Care, 1835–1903,” American Indian Quarterly 34, no. 3 (July 2010), 312–43Google ScholarPubMed. The Cherokee Nation was not alone in this effort, nor were they the first, as other displaced nations also set up schools to prepare their students for a changing social landscape. Cobb, Amanda J., Listening to Our Grandmothers’ Stories: The Bloomfield Academy for Chickasaw Females, 1852–1949 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007), 40Google Scholar; Snyder, Christina, Great Crossings: Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in the Age of Jackson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017)Google Scholar; Peterson, Dawn, Indians in the Family: Adoption and the Politics of Antebellum Expansion (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017), 234–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Rowan Faye Steineker, “‘Fully Equal to That of Any Children’: Experimental Creek Education in the Antebellum Era,” History of Education Quarterly 56, no. 2 (May 2016), 273–300.

18 Snyder, Great Crossings.

19 “An Act Relative to Schools [Sept. 26, 1839],” in The Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 30–31.

20 Davis, John Benjamin, “Public Education Among the Cherokee Indians,” Peabody Journal of Education 7, no. 3 (1929), 168CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 “An Act Relative to Public Schools [Dec. 16, 1841],” in The Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 59.

22 William P. Ross, “Public Education among the Cherokee Indians,” American Journal of Education 1 (Aug. 1855), 121.

23 “An Act Authorizing the Appointment of an Examining Board [Nov. 2, 1849],” in The Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 195.

24 “An Act Further to Amend an Act Relative to Public Schools”; and Mihesuah, Devon Abbott, Cultivating the Rosebuds: The Education of Women at the Cherokee Female Seminary, 1851–1909 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 28Google Scholar. For comparison, the salary of the principal chief of the Nation was set at $500.

25 Ross, “Public Education among the Cherokee Indians,” 121. Recognizing the needs of their students, teachers in local schools taught in both Cherokee and English at times, although this bilingualism was not codified as formal policy. For a discussion of the social dynamics around teaching in Cherokee and English, see Reed, “Family and Nation,” 323–24; and Reed, Julie L., Serving the Nation: Cherokee Sovereignty and Social Welfare, 1800–1907 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016), 83Google Scholar.

26 Thomas L. McKenney, Sketches of Travels Among the Northern & Southern Indians, 3rd ed. (New York: Daniel Burgess & Co., 1854), 34.

27 “An Act for the Establishment of Two Seminaries or High Schools: One for the Education of Males, and the Other of Females, and for the Erection of Buildings for Their Accommodation [Nov. 26, 1846],” in The Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 146–147.

28 Mihesuah, Cultivating the Rosebuds, 27; Ross, “Public Education among the Cherokee Indians,” 121; Devon Abbott, “‘Commendable Progress’: Acculturation at the Cherokee Female Seminary,” American Indian Quarterly 11, no. 3 (July 1987), 187–201; and Reed, “Family and Nation,” 323. For a discussion of teacher recruitment from within and outside the nation, see Reed, Serving the Nation, 82, 131.

29 Ross, “Public Education among the Cherokee Indians,” 121; and Mihesuah, Cultivating the Rosebuds, 33–34.

30 Even as the schools were tools to reconstitute the Cherokee Nation after Removal, they were also elitist institutions that reified social boundaries of access and privilege. Students bullied and excluded one another on the basis of perceived race and class. As Natalie Panther notes: “The tribe wanted well-educated Cherokees who could defend tribal sovereignty and not blend into the American mainstream. On the other hand, the Male Seminary pushed an agenda of assimilation and glorified the privilege and power held by those Cherokees who adapted to the White world. These dual goals of the Male Seminary, combined with the diverse student body, resulted in paradoxical and complex assessments of the school.” See Natalie Panther, “‘To Make Us Independent’: The Education of Young Men at the Cherokee Male Seminary, 1851–1910,” (PhD diss., Oklahoma State University, 2013), 4.

31 “An Act Making Further Provisions for Carrying into Effect the Act of the Last Annual Session of the National Council, for the Establishment of One Male and One Female Seminary or High School [Nov. 12, 1847],” in The Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 157–162. The complicated history of the Cherokee Female Seminary has been best documented by Mihesuah in Cultivating the Rosebuds.

32 Panther, “‘To Make Us Independent,’” 71.

33 Abbott, “‘Commendable Progress’: Acculturation at the Cherokee Female Seminary,” 194.

34 Mihesuah, Cultivating the Rosebuds, 22; Muriel H. Wright, “Wapanucka Academy, Chickasaw Nation,” Chronicles of Oklahoma 12, no. 4 (Dec. 1934), 402–31; Cobb, Listening to Our Grandmothers’ Stories; and Snyder, Great Crossings.

35 The Cherokee Nation sold the Female Seminary building to the new state of Oklahoma in 1909, when the school became the Northeastern State Normal School. The Cherokee Male Seminary became a co-ed high school. See Mihesuah, Cultivating the Rosebuds, 1. For a deeper discussion of the impact of the Curtis Act on the Cherokee Nation, see Reed, “Family and Nation,” 336.

36 Mihesuah, Cultivating the Rosebuds, 63–64.

37 Lomawaima and McCarty, To Remain an Indian, 173n.

38 Davis, “Public Education among the Cherokee Indians,” 173.

39 McLoughlin, William G., Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), 237–38, 253–54Google Scholar.

40 “Nevada's Princess,” Atlanta Constitution, Feb. 10, 1875, 2.

41 Hoxie, Frederick E., This Indian Country: American Indian Activists and the Place They Made (New York: Penguin Books, 2012)Google Scholar.

42 Hoxie, This Indian Country, 150, 161–166; and Sarah Winnemucca Hopkins, Life Among the Piutes: Their Wrongs and Claims, ed. Mrs. Horace Mann (1882, repr., Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1994).

43 Carolyn Sorisio, “Sarah Winnemucca, Translation, and US Colonialism and Imperialism,” MELUS 37, no. 1 (Spring 2012), 54; and Hoxie, This Indian Country, 169.

44 Winnemucca Hopkins, Life Among the Piutes, 245.

45 “Sarah Winnemucca's School,” Friends' Intelligencer and Journal 44, no. 42 (Nov. 19, 1887), 752.

46 Sorisio, “Sarah Winnemucca.”

47 “Sarah Winnemucca's School.”

48 “Sarah Winnemucca's School.”

49 V. Celia Lascarides, “Sarah Winnemucca and Her School,” paper presented at the Annual Conference of the National Association for the Education of Young Children, Atlanta, GA, Nov. 2000, 17, https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED474140.pdf; and Anne Ruggles Gere, “Indian Heart/White Man's Head: Native American Teachers in Indian Schools, 1880–1930,” History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 1 (Spring 2005), 44–47.

50 Lisa Tetzloff, “Elizabeth Bender Cloud: ‘Working for and with Our Indian People,’” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 30, no. 3 (Sept. 2009), 89.

51 Reyhner, Jon Allan and Eder, Jeanne M. Oyawin, American Indian Education: A History, 2nd ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2017), 221Google Scholar.

52 On vocational education in boarding schools as a form of racial management, see Hoxie, Frederick E., A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880–1920 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Littlefield, Alice and Knack, Martha, eds., Native Americans and Wage Labor: Ethnohistorical Perspectives (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996)Google Scholar; and Ramirez, Renya K., Standing Up to Colonial Power: The Lives of Henry Roe and Elizabeth Bender Cloud (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Cited in Adams, David Wallace, Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience, 1875–1928 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995), 152Google Scholar.

54 Wollock, Jeffrey, “Protagonism Emergent: Indians and Higher Education,” Native Americas 14, no. 4 (1997), 14–15Google Scholar.

55 On the similarities between Cloud and Du Bois, see Pfister, Joel, The Yale Indian: The Education of Henry Roe-Cloud (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009), 161–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 Henry Roe Cloud, “Education of the American Indian,” Quarterly Journal of The Society of American Indians 2, no. 3 (July-Sept. 1914), 203–9. See also Ramirez, Standing Up to Colonial Power, 65.

57 Tetzloff, “Elizabeth Bender Cloud,” 89.

58 Ramirez, Standing Up to Colonial Power, 99, 109.

59 The Clouds imagined that their school would be a co-educational enterprise. Ramirez notes that her mother, Woesha, remembers that both Henry and Elizabeth lobbied their patrons hard to allow women to attend the school, and made plans to do so, but were ultimately denied. Ramirez, Standing Up to Colonial Power, 99–101.

60 “Indians Trained for Leadership,” Christian Science Monitor, Nov. 26, 1927, 14.

61 Ramirez, Standing Up to Colonial Power, 100.

62 Tetzloff, “Elizabeth Bender Cloud,” 90.

63 Ramirez, Standing Up to Colonial Power, 107–108.

64 Tetzloff, “Elizabeth Bender Cloud,” 91.

65 Ramirez, Standing Up to Colonial Power, 116.

66 Ramirez, Standing UP to Colonial Power, 104.

67 Wollock, “Protagonism Emergent,” 4.

68 “Indians Trained for Leadership.”

69 For a map of these schools, see Lajimodiere, Denise K., Stringing Rosaries: The History, the Unforgivable, and the Healing of Northern Plains American Indian Boarding School Survivors (Fargo: North Dakota State University Press, 2019)Google Scholar.

70 We extrapolate this estimation from the Annual Reports to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs from this period.

71 Coleman, Michael, American Indian Children at School, 1850–1930 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1993)Google Scholar; Lomawaima, K. Tsianina, They Called It Prairie Light: The Story of Chilocco Indian School (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Child, Brenda J., Boarding School Seasons: American Indian Families, 1900–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Brett Lee Shelton et al., “Trigger Points: Current State of Research on History, Impacts, and Healing Related to the United States’ Indian Industrial/Boarding School Policy” (Boulder, CO: Native American Rights Fund, 2019), https://www.narf.org/nill/documents/trigger-points.pdf; Troutman, John William, Indian Blues: American Indians and the Politics of Music, 1879–1934 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2009)Google Scholar; Nagel, Joane, American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Red Power and the Resurgence of Identity and Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997)Google Scholar; and Emery, Jacqueline, Recovering Native American Writings in the Boarding School Press (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 See also Khalil A. Johnson Jr., “‘Recruited to Teach the Indians’: An African American Genealogy of Navajo Nation Boarding Schools,” Journal of American Indian Education 57, no. 1 (April 2018), 154–76.

73 Between 1884 and 1909, fifty-one Indigenous teachers were listed as former pupils or students, though the actual number is surely greater due to inconsistent record-keeping. Volumes 1–22; Roster of School Employees, 1884–1909; Office of Indian Affairs Accounts Division; Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Record Group 75; National Archives Building, Washington DC.

74 Cahill, Cathleen D., Federal Fathers and Mothers: A Social History of the United States Indian Service, 1869–1933 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 110Google Scholar (Table 1); and Gere, “Indian Heart/White Man's Head.”

75 Cahill, Cathleen D., “‘An Indian Teacher Among Indians’: Native Women as Federal Employees,” in Indigenous Women and Work: From Labor to Activism, ed. Williams, Carol (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2012), 210–11Google Scholar.

76 Polingaysi Qöyawayma and Vada F. Carlson, No Turning Back: A True Account of a Hopi Woman's Struggle to Live in Two Worlds (1964, repr., Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992), 54–55.

77 Winnie, Lucille, Sah-Gan-De-Oh: The Chief's Daughter (New York: Vantage Press, 1969), 183Google Scholar.

78 For the capacity of Indigenous teachers to mitigate the factors of assimilation, see Sally McBeth, introduction to Horne, Esther Burnett and McBeth, Sally, Essie's Story: The Life and Legacy of a Shoshone Teacher (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

79 Qöyawayma and Carlson, No Turning Back, 125.

80 Horne and McBeth, Essie's Story, 67.

81 McCarty, A Place to Be Navajo, 99.

82 Cahill, Federal Fathers and Mothers, 105.

83 King, Farina, The Earth Memory Compass: Diné Landscapes and Education in the Twentieth Century (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2018), 92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

84 Qöyawayma and Carlson, No Turning Back, 126.

85 Horne and McBeth, Essie's Story, 129.

86 Horne and McBeth, Essie's Story, 129.

87 Davis, Survival Schools; McCarty, A Place to Be Navajo; White, Louellyn, Free to Be Mohawk: Indigenous Education at the Akwesasne Freedom School (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015)Google Scholar; and Lomawaima and McCarty, To Remain an Indian.

88 Davis, Survival Schools, 91–97.

89 Davis, Survival Schools, 125.

90 White, Free to Be Mohawk, 64–69.

91 Alayna Eagle Shield et al., eds., Education in Movement Spaces: Standing Rock to Chicago Freedom Square (New York: Routledge, 2020).

92 Laukaitis, John J., Community Self-Determination: American Indian Education in Chicago, 1952–2006 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2015), 2Google Scholar.

93 Thompson, Hildegard, The Navajos’ Long Walk for Education: A History of Navajo (Tsaile, AZ: Navajo Community College Press, 1975)Google Scholar; and Margaret Connell Szasz, Education and the American Indian: The Road to Self-Determination since 1928, 3rd ed.(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 115. For a thorough history of Rough Rock, see McCarty, A Place to Be Navajo.

94 McCarty, A Place to Be Navajo, 56–57.

95 Thompson, The Navajos’ Long Walk, 227.

96 Lomawaima and McCarty, To Remain an Indian, 122–26; Szasz, Education and the American Indian, 172; and Reyhner and Eder, American Indian Education, 273–82.

97 McCarty, A Place to Be Navajo, xvi. For a robust explanation of criticisms of Rough Rock, see Reyhner and Eder, American Indian Education, 282–89.

98 “Navajo Culture Program,” Akwesasne Notes 2, no. 3 (June 1970), 42.

99 Even as some Diné felt that a tribal college in the style of non-Native schools was not in alignment with Diné values, a group of tribal leaders, local educators, and federal officials saw the potential for reshaping the technology of higher education to prioritize local vision and needs. See Stan Steiner, “Student Activists: The Navajo Way,” Akwesasne Notes 1, no. 9 (Oct. 1969), 12–13.

100 For the earliest tribally controlled colleges, conversations about the need for locally controlled higher education began as early as the 1950s and were taken up over time by tribal governments.

101 Boyer, Paul, Capturing Education: Envisioning and Building the First Tribal Colleges (Pablo, MT: Salish Kootenai College Press, 2015), 20, 23–24, 28Google Scholar.

102 It is important to recognize that while Diné College was the first official institution of the current tribal college movement, the idea of tribally controlled higher education has been around since at least the 1880s, when the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina founded a normal school to train teachers. Like the tribal colleges that took root in the 1960s and 1970s, when the Croatan Normal School was founded in 1887, it represented Lumbee “determination to tell their own story and assert their own benchmarks of progress.” And like many other Native nations, for Lumbee people, schooling was a technology “not so much for becoming Americans as for maintaining their survival as a distinct community that had the same opportunities as other Americans.” See Lowery, Malinda Maynor, The Lumbee Indians: An American Struggle (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018), 96, 100CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Croatan Norman School was soon followed by Indian University (now Bacone College) in Tahlequah, Oklahoma. For the history of Bacone College, see Reyhner and Eder, American Indian Education, 309–13; and Neuman, Lisa K., Indian Play: Indigenous Identities at Bacone College (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 For detailed accounts of the community's role in forming the school's curriculum, see Carney, Cary Michael, Native American Higher Education in the United States (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999)Google Scholar; Szasz, Education and the American Indian, 176; Kimmis Hendrick, “Navajos Start Something Special,” Akwesasne Notes 1 no. 8 (Sept. 1969), 35; and Steiner, “Student Activists,” 12–13.

104 Paula Dranov, “Navajo College to Rise: Construction Program to Get Under Way Next Month,” Akwesasne Notes 3, no. 3 (April 1971), 21.

105 Szasz, Education and the American Indian, 236; Carney, Native American Higher Education in the United States, 109; and Boyer, Capturing Education, 70. Diné College also acquired funds from private foundations. See Szasz, Education and the American Indian, 167.

106 Janine Pease-Pretty On Top, “Events Leading to the Passage of the Tribally Controlled Community College Assistance Act of 1978,” Journal of American Indian Education 42, no. 1 (2003), 6–21.

107 Vine Deloria Jr., ed., Technical Problems in Indian Education, Indian Education Confronts the Seventies, vol. 4 (Washington, DC: Office of Education, 1974).

108 “About DC,” Diné College, 2019, https://www.dinecollege.edu/about_dc/about-dc/.

109 Warner, Sam L. No'eau, “The Movement to Revitalize Hawaiian Language and Culture,” in The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice, ed. Hinton, Leanne and Hale, Ken (San Diego: Academic Press, 2001), 133–44Google Scholar; Joint Resolution to Acknowledge the 100th Anniversary of the January 17, 1893 Overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii, Public Law 103–150 (107 Stat. 1510), 1993; Wilson, William H. and Kamanā, Kauanoe, “Indigenous Youth Bilingualism from a Hawaiian Activist Perspective,” Journal of Language, Identity & Education 8, no. 5 (Oct. 2009), 369–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Rawlins, Nāmaka, Wilson, William Pila, and Kawai‘ae‘a, Keiki, “Bill Demmert, Native American Language Revitalization, and His Hawai‘i Connection,” Journal of American Indian Education 50, no. 1 (Jan. 2011), 74–85Google Scholar. For a transnational analysis of the circulation of assimilationist and militaristic pedagogies, including their relationship to American colonization of Hawai‘i, see Khalil Anthony Johnson Jr., “The Education of Black and Indigenous People in the United States and Abroad, 1730–1980” (PhD diss., Yale University, 2016).

110 Jim Kent, “American Indigenous Languages Face Crisis in the 21st Century,” News from Indian Country (Hayward, WI), May 15, 2002, 14A; and “Language Revitalization Featured at Education Conference,” Indian Country Today (Oneida, NY), Dec. 5, 2007, B1, B5.

111 Rawlins, Wilson, and Kawai‘ae‘a, “Bill Demmert,” 75.

112 Warner, “The Movement to Revitalize,” 135.

113 Rawlins, Wilson, and Kawai‘ae‘a, “Bill Demmert,” 75; and William H. Wilson and Kauanoe Kamanā, “‘Mai Loko Mai O Ka ‘I‘ini: Proceeding from a Dream’: The ‘Aha Pūnana Leo Connection in Hawaiian Language Revitalization,” in Hinton and Hale, The Green Book, 149.

114 Warner, “The Movement to Revitalize,” 136.

115 Rawlins, Wilson, and Kawai‘ae‘a, “Bill Demmert,” 76.

116 Wilson and Kamanā, “Mai Loko Mai O Ka ‘I‘ini,” 150.

117 Warner, “The Movement to Revitalize,” 137–38.

118 Warner, “The Movement to Revitalize,” 136–37; and Wilson and Kamanā, “Mai Loko Mai O Ka ‘I‘ini,” 154–56.

119 Wilson and Kamanā, “Indigenous Youth Bilingualism,” 372.

120 Warner, “The Movement to Revitalize,” 141.

121 Office of Hawaiian Affairs, “OHA Board Approves $3 Million to Go Directly to Charter Schools,” press release, Oct. 19, 2017, https://www.oha.org/news/oha-board-approves-3-million-go-directly-charter-schools/; and Warner, “The Movement to Revitalize,” 138.

122 Rawlins, Wilson, and Kawai‘ae‘a, “Bill Demmert,” 80–81.

123 Rawlins, Wilson, and Kawai‘ae‘a, “Bill Demmert,” 76–77.

124 William (Pila) H. Wilson, “USDE Violations of NALA and the Testing Boycott at Nāwahīokalani‘ōpu‘u School,” Journal of American Indian Education 51, no. 3 (Jan. 2012), 34.

125 “Language Revitalization Featured at Education Conference.”

126 Wilson and Kamanā, “Indigenous Youth Bilingualism,” 372.

127 Wilson and Kamanā, “Mai Loko Mai O Ka ‘I‘ini,” 158.

128 “Tribal School Choice,” National Indian Education Association, https://www.niea.org/tribal-choice-and-native-students.

129 Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua, Noelani, The Seeds We Planted: Portraits of a Native Hawaiian Charter School (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2013), 64, 103CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

130 Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua, The Seeds We Planted, 125.

131 “Sovereignty in Education: Creating Culturally-Based Charter Schools in Native Communities” (Washington, DC: National Indian Education Association, 2018), 13; Dahlia Bazzaz, “Why There Aren't Any Native American Charter Schools in Washington State,” Seattle Times, Aug. 1, 2018, n.p. (online edition); Anthony-Stevens, Vanessa and Stevens, Philip, “‘A Space for You to Be Who You Are’: An Ethnographic Portrait of Reterritorializing Indigenous Student Identities,” Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 38, no. 3 (June 2017), 328–41Google Scholar; Vanessa Anthony-Stevens, “Indigenous Parents Navigating School Choice in Constrained Landscapes,” Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education 11, no. 2 (April 2017), 92–105; “Oklahoma Charter School Opens with Hopes to Better Serve Native American Students,” All Things Considered, NPR, Nov. 5, 2019, https://www.npr.org/2019/11/05/776496243/oklahoma-charter-school-opens-with-hopes-to-better-serve-native-american-student; Eve L. Ewing and Meaghan E. Ferrick, “For This Place, for These People: An Exploration of Best Practices Among Charter Schools Serving Native Students” (Washington, DC: National Indian Education Association, 2012), 62; and “Resolution #07-04: Resolution to Support Charter Schools for Native Hawaiian, American Indians, and Alaska Natives” (National Indian Education Association, 2007).

132 Marshall, Samantha A., “To Sustain Tribal Nations: Striving for Indigenous Sovereignty in Mathematics Education,” Journal of Educational Foundations 31, no. 1/2 (March 2018), 9–37Google Scholar; Ahniwake Rose, “Native Students Do Better When Tribes Run Schools,” BRIGHT Magazine, July 12, 2017, https://brightthemag.com/native-students-do-better-when-tribes-run-schools-4789da471e25; NIEA, “Sovereignty in Education,” see specifically 1, 9, 10, 49, and 58; and Ewing and Ferrick, “For This Place, for These People,” see specifically 14–60.

133 For more on the concept of “braiding,” see Brayboy, Bryan McKinley Jones and Lomawaima, K. Tsianina, “Why Don't More Indians Do Better in School? The Battle between U.S. Schooling and American Indian/Alaska Native Education,” Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018), 82–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tiffany S. Lee, “Complex Ecologies of Indigenous Education at the Native American Community Academy,” paper presented at the Annual Conference of the American Educational Research Association, Denver, CO, May 1, 2010; and Koren L. Capozza, “Education Innovation: Indian Alternative Schools on the Rise,” American Indian Report 15, no. 7 (July 1, 1999), 24–25.

134 NIEA, “Tribal School Choice”; and Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua, The Seeds We Planted, 64.

135 Castagno, Angelina E., Garcia, David R., and Blalock, Nicole, “Rethinking School Choice: Educational Options, Control, and Sovereignty in Indian Country,” Journal of School Choice 10, no. 2 (April 2016), 233CrossRefGoogle Scholar; NIEA, “Tribal School Choice”; NIEA, “Native Education Factsheet: Choice Innovation in Native Education,” Oct. 2017, https://www.niea.org/fact-sheets; NIEA, “Sovereignty in Education”; and Bazzaz, “Why There Aren't Any Native American Charter Schools,” n.p. (online edition) For other models of tribal school choice, see NIEA, “Choice Innovation in Native Education.”

136 NPR, “Oklahoma Charter School Opens.”

137 Ewing and Ferrick, “For This Place, for These People,” 63.

138 Marshall, “To Sustain Tribal Nations,” 28.

139 NIEA, “Choice Innovation in Native Education.”

140 Marshall, “To Sustain Tribal Nations,” 32; and Ewing and Ferrick, “For This Place, for These People,” 70. In addition, some Native educators worry that a larger discourse regarding charter schools outside of Indian Country may conflict with the community-centered model of Native charter schools. For example, some charter networks frame school as a ticket out of their neighborhoods rather than a means of contributing to their communities. See Marshall, “To Sustain Tribal Nations,” 30–31.

141 Eve Tuck, “Suspending Damage: A Letter to Communities,” Harvard Educational Review 79, no. 3 (Sept. 2009), 416.

142 Philip J. Deloria et al., “Unfolding Futures: Indigenous Ways of Knowing for the Twenty-First Century,” Daedalus 147, no. 2 (Spring 2018), 12.

143 Brayboy, Bryan McKinley Jones, “Culture, Place, and Power: Engaging the Histories and Possibilities of American Indian Education,” History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Aug. 2014), 395–402CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lomawaima, K. Tsianina, “Tribal Sovereigns: Reframing Research in American Indian Education,” Harvard Educational Review 70, no. 1 (April 2000), 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.