Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
The popularity of Kondratieff long waves fluctuates according to the economic climate. Periods of slow growth help make long wave explanations more attractive. While their popularity may oscillate, the evidence associated with the existence of long waves continues to be disputed. A review of the pertinent theoretical literature suggests that one reason for the disagreements about the existence of long waves is that much of the available evidence does not correspond as closely as it might to the theoretical foci. A new data series, one based on leading sector production growth rates from 1760 to 1985, is developed to remedy this lack of correspondence. The appropriate analysis of this series requires that particular attention be paid to the rise and relative decline of the world economy's lead state. The empirical outcome provides a close match to the long wave chronology developed by Joseph Schumpeter, Simon Kuznets, and J. J. Van Duijn. While this approach falls short of bringing closure to many of the theoretical and empirical questions concerning long waves, it does establish a solid empirical foundation for further analyses. The article concludes with some observations on the long wave implications for the relative economic decline of Britain in the nineteenth century and the United States in the twentieth century.
An earlier version of this article was presented to seminars at the Center for Political Studies, University of Michigan; Economics Program, Claremont Graduate School; International Political Economy Program, University of California, Los Angeles; and Department of Political Science, University of California, Riverside. In addition to the useful feedback from these sources, the comments of Terry Boswell, George Modelski, Karen Rasler, Suzanne Frederick, Stephen Krasner, and two anonymous reviewers were helpful.
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12 Resorting to more sophisticated statistical examinations, such as spectral analysis, does not address this phase inconsistency problem. Instead, it introduces more evaluation problems both in terms of its demands for time series that are longer than those nominally available for production indicators and in terms of its insistence on finding strict regularities in long wave periodicities. Spectral analysis is not the only dubious technique for long wave analysis. See the exchange over the utility of stepwise polynomial regression in Taylor, James B., “Long Waves in Six Nations: Results and Speculations for a New Methodology,” Review 11 (Summar 1988), pp. 373–92Google Scholar; Brill, Howard, “Stepwise Polynomial Regression: Royal Road or Detour?” Review 11 (Summar 1988), pp. 393–411Google Scholar; and Taylor, James B., “The Trouble with Cycles: A Reply to Brill,” Review 11 (Summar 1988), pp. 413–32Google Scholar.
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14 Solomou devotes an unusually complicated chapter to a discussion of how to test long wave hypotheses. He proposes that the data first be partitioned into a number of short-term phases of roughly eight- to eleven-year lengths (Juglar cycles) to create comparable peak-topeak bases for calculating average growth rates. If each long wave encompasses four to six Juglar cycles, as he assumes, the question then becomes one of ascertaining, with the aid of statistical significance tests, the extent to which periods of high growth and low growth alternate along predictable lines. While it is possible to follow Solomou's procedures and reasoning with careful reading, each series examined begins in a different year. The lengths of the subsequent Juglar cycles thus vary by series. After several series are worked through, it becomes difficult to escape the feeling that the data have been overly sliced and diced in order, ironically, to reduce the potential influence of statistical artifact. See Solomou, , Phases of Economic Growth, pp. 14–26Google Scholar.
15 Ibid., p. 61.
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17 See Goldstein, , Long Cycles,p. 217Google Scholar. Whether it is a good idea to compute aggregate t-tests for rather heterogeneous series (in terms of varying lengths at the very least) is debatable. Another way of looking at Goldstein's evidence is to count the number of times an upswing or downswing was predicted incorrectly or missed. In the first, unlagged test, fourteen mispredictions in thirty-four trials were recorded. In the second, lagged test, there were still ten misses in thirty-seven trials. When lags were introduced, the proportional number of misses declined (from 41.2 to 27 percent), but the number of misses remained high. Moreover, only one series (U.S. GNP) in the lagged test emerged without a mispredicted phase. Britain's GNP series fared better in the unlagged test (zero misses) than in the lagged test (three misses). Along these lines, only two series, world and British industrial production, improved substantially with the imposition of the lags. The two series had nine misses in the unlagged test and only two in the lagged test.
18 Rostow, , The World Economy,pp. 106–7 and 365–72Google Scholar.
19 Rostow does not elaborate on why this should be the case. There are several possibilities. First, an aging sector has had time to become critical to a large proportion of the economy. Second, large and mature industries make it difficult for new, more innovative firms to emerge, since suppliers and the general economic infrastructure are geared to the older ways of doing things. And, third, venture capital may also be difficult to obtain within a decaying environment. For an application of these arguments to American steel decline in the Pittsburgh area, see Hoerr, John P., And the Wolf Finally Came: The Decline of the American Steel Industry (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988)Google Scholar.
20 Freeman, , Clark, , and Soete prefer to use the term “new technology systems.” In Unemployment and Technical Innovation, p. 64Google Scholar, their point is that emphasis should be placed on the interrelations between the families of innovation that occur in several new industries and their subsequent diffusion throughout the economy to other industries. As long as we keep in mind that the specific leading sector indicators are only indicators, there should be no conflict with the broader interpretation preferred by these authors.
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23 Data sources for the leading sector information are discussed in Thompson, , On Global War, p. 286Google Scholar. While the jet airframe data proved useful in calculating relative leading sector shares (the purpose for which the data were collected originally), the often negative growth rates performed erratically and appeared to depress or elevate unduly the average growth rates. Their analytic utility was also compromised to some extent by the large, continuing American production share. Consequently, the aerospace indicator was not used in computing the average leading sector scores reported in this article. Other possible indicators, such as sales measured in constant values, do not appear to offer much in the way of improvement.
24 A consolidated schedule of leading sector tenures for the major power reference group can be found in Thompson, , On Global War, p. 137Google Scholar.
25 The problems with this approach also bear some resemblance to those found with the alternative focus on the annual frequency of innovations as a measure of technological change. With the latter, more subjective indicator, the basic problem is which innovations should be counted as major developments. Too restrictive a focus will yield a rather sketchy series. Invariably, the available series mix such innovations as the zipper or the ballpoint pen with jet engines and steel-making processes. In this respect, the leading sector focus is more discriminating. However, the multiple innovation series do tend to overlap a great deal. They also tend to peak in the leading sector valleys. See Mensch, Stalemate in Technology; Kleinknecht, “Innovation, Accumulation, and Crisis”; Freeman, Clark, and Soete, Unemployment and Technical Innovation; Haustein, Heinz-Dieter and Neuwirth, Erich, “Long Waves in World Industrial Production, Energy Consumption, Innovations, Inventions, and Patents and Their Identification by Spectral Analysis,” Technological Forecasting and Social Change 22 (09 1982), pp. 53–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Duijn, J. J. Van, The Long Wave in Economic Life (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1983)Google Scholar.
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28 Ibid., pp. 147–58.
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34 By 1914, the United States was producing 95 percent or more of the world's motor vehicles. The proportion remained above 50 percent until 1958.
35 The growth-slowing processes and practices that are internal to aging industrial sectors are no less complicated than the other facets of systemic leadership decline. For useful discussions of the nineteenth-century British case, see Levine, Aaron L., Industrial Retardation in Britain, 1880–1914 (New York: Basic Books, 1967)Google Scholar; and Elbaum, Bernard and Lazonick, William, eds., The Decline of the British Economy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.
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