Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
The literature on hegemonic stability commonly assumes that American hegemony has drastically declined in recent years. Is that assumption justified? If one distinguishes between power base and control over outcomes, the American position regarding the latter, in particular, has not declined substantially, and especially not if one considers security goods as well as economic goods. The substantial continuity of outcomes in the post-World War II era stems in large measure from the degree to which the goods provided have been private goods that particularly benefit the United States rather than collective goods, as is widely assumed. These benefits, especially those from “cultural hegemony,” have helped the United States to sustain much control over outcomes.
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4. Keohane, After Hegemony, identifies four criteria by which to judge a hegemon of world political economy: a preponderance of material resources in raw materials, capital, markets, and production of highly valued goods. A broader view of hegemony, however, requires inclusion of military, scientific, and other resources.
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33. See Russett and Starr, World Politics, chap. 18.
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35. Rasler, Karen and Thompson, William R., “Global Wars, Public Debts, and the Long Cycle,” World Politics 36 (10 1983), pp. 489–516CrossRefGoogle Scholar, carefully recognize the particular private benefits, to the commercially extended hegemon, of providing defense and deterrence for others. This should be set against the more familiar argument that military expenditures become a private “bad” by inhibiting capital formation and growth in the hegemon. For evidence see Rasler and Thompson, “Longitudinal Change in Defense Burdens, Capital Formation, and Economic Growth,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, forthcoming.
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39. In his brilliant paper Duncan Snidal, “Hegemonic Stability Theory Revisited,” International Organization, forthcoming, notes that both Krasner, “State Power,” and Gilpin, War and Change, fully recognize the degree to which the postwar regimes benefited the United States in particular, and that Gilpin particularly argues that the United States was significantly able to extract contributions as a quasi-government.
40. See Keohane, After Hegemony.
41. That is, persuading someone to do something he or she would not otherwise do; see Dahl, Robert A., Modern Political Analysis, 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1984)Google Scholar.
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43. They form, for instance, a key element in Alker's conception of power. Alker, Hayward R., “Power in a Schedule Sense,” in Alker, et al. , eds., Mathematical Approaches to Politics (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1972)Google Scholar.
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