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Power and Interdependence revisited
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
Abstract
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- Review Essay
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- Copyright © The IO Foundation 1987
References
1. Boston: Little, Brown, 1977.
2. Raymond Vernon, always a pioneer, exemplified this evaluative process by looking back at his important book, Sovereignty at Bay, ten years after its publication; he responded to criticisms and added his own. See Vernon, , “Sovereignty at Bay Ten Years After,” International Organization 35 (Summer 1981), pp. 517–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In a recent special issue of International Studies Notes 12 (Spring 1986)Google Scholar, James N. Rosenau, Kenneth E. Boulding, John H. Herz, William T. R. Fox, and Robert C. North also reflected on their work.
3. Michalak, Stanley J., “Theoretical Perspectives for Understanding International Interdependence,” World Politics 32 (10 1979), p. 150CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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8. For a recent analysis that makes this point well, using somewhat different terms, see Holsti, K. J., The Dividing Discipline: Hegemony and Diversity in International Theory (Winchester, Mass.: Allen & Unwin, 1985)Google Scholar.
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10. For our account of the connections between integration theory and theories of interdependence, see our article, “International Interdependence and Integration,” in Greenstein, Fred I. and Polsby, Nelson W., eds., Handbook of Political Science, vol. 8 (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1975), pp. 363–414Google Scholar. Karl Deutsch's work on regional integration was equally important to the field as Haas's; although we discuss both in our 1975 article, our own analysis owes a greater debt to Haas's neofunctionalism.
11. In contrast to this position, Holsti asserts that interdependence does not have a problem focus: “The fact of interdependence,” he says, “has to lead to a problem before it warrants serious attention, just as concern with war, peace, order and power led to our field centuries ago.” (Holsti, , The Dividing Discipline, p. 47)Google Scholar.
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19. Our analysis of the 1971 change in the international monetary system illustrates this point. We emphasized not American weakness, but the underlying strength of the U.S. position, quoting Henry Aubrey to the effect that “a creditor's influence over the United States rests on American willingness to play the game according to the old concepts and rules.” Power and Interdependence, p. 140.
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24. Considering the fondness for philosophical jargon in contemporary writing on international relations theory, we should refer to this as the “ontological status” of complex interdependence. Somehow we cannot quite bring ourselves to do this.
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26. See especially Keohane, and Nye, , “Transgovernmental Relations and International Organizations,” World Politics 27 (10 1974), pp. 39–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
27. As a strategy for research, this approach was probably wise, since it is terribly difficult to link domestic politics and the international system together theoretically without reducing the analysis to little more than a descriptive hodgepodge. Recent efforts to bridge this gap, using the concept of state structure, have made notable progress. See Katzenstein, Peter J., ed., Between Power and Plenty: Foreign Economic Policies of Advanced Industrialized States (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978)Google Scholar; and Katzenstein, Peter J., Small States in World Markets (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985)Google Scholar.
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29. Ruggie, “International Responses to Technology.”
30. Robert Jervis identified a Concert of Europe regime in the 19th century; in his discussion of contemporary international politics, however, he looked for a regime in the central strategic relationship between the United States and Soviet Union and failed to find one. Janice Gross Stein and Joseph S. Nye have focused on narrower realms of activity and have discovered meaningful security regimes in contemporary world politics. See Stein, , “Detection and Defection: Security ‘Regimes’ and the Management of International Conflict,” International Journal 40 (Autumn 1985), pp. 599–627Google Scholar; and Nye, , “Nuclear Learning and U.S.-Soviet Security Regimes,” International Organization 41 (Summer 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also an article by Roger Smith, K., which appeared just as this essay was being revised, “The Non-Proliferation Regime and International Relations,” International Organization 41 (Spring 1987), pp. 253–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Smith makes a number of perceptive criticisms of regime theory.
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32. See Haggard, Stephan and Simmons, Beth, “Theories of International Regimes,” International Organization 41 (Summer 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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34. On 3 June 1986, for instance, Soviet First Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev stated in a message to the Secretary-General of the United Nations that “it is quite obvious that there is a practical need to start, without delay, setting up an international regime for the safe development of nuclear energy.” New York Times, 4 06 1986, p. A12Google Scholar. We do not presume to know what led Secretary Gorbachev to use the language of regimes; but Soviet scholars have informed us that they began to use the term in relation to the law of the seas conference in the 1970s. Personal conversations, Moscow, June 1986.
35. Krasner, Stephen D., “Regimes and the Limits of Realism: Regimes as Autonomous Variables,” in Krasner, , ed., International Regimes (New York: Cornell University Press, 1983), pp. 355–68Google Scholar.
36. For an early and insightful attempt, see Young, Oran R., Compliance and Public Authority (Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Future, 1979)Google Scholar.
37. Keohane defines myopic self-interest in terms of “governments' perception of the relative costs and benefits to them of alternative courses of action with regard to a particular issue, when that issue is considered in isolation from others.” After Hegemony, p. 99, italics in original.
38. On the demise of the Bretton Woods international monetary regime, for example, see Gowa, Joanne, Closing the Gold Window: Domestic Politics and the End of Bretton Woods (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983)Google Scholar, and Odell, John S., U. S. International Monetary Policy: Markets, Power and Ideas as Sources of Change (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On rule-evasion and circumvention of textile restraints under the umbrella of the Multi-Fiber Arrangement, see Yoffie, David, Power and Protectionism: Strategies of the Newly Industrializing Countries (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983)Google Scholar.
39. Abram Chayes's study of the role of law in the Cuban Missile Crisis is an exception to this statement about the absence of work on international norms, as embodied, for instance, in international regimes. Chayes does not use the language of regimes, but he discusses the impact of international norms for the peaceful settlement of disputes, as embodied in various international practices and agreements, including the Organization of American States and United Nations Charter. See Chayes, Abram, The Cuban Missile Crisis and the Rule of Law (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974)Google Scholar.
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42. Waltz, Kenneth N., “Response to My Critics,” in Keohane, , ed., Neorealism and Its Critics, pp. 322–46Google Scholar.
43. For discussions about the analogy between grammar and systemic processes that facilitate cooperation, we are indebted to Hayward Alker, Jr.
44. On issue density, defined as the number and importance of issues arising within a given policy space, see Keohane, Robert O., “The Demand for International Regimes,” International Organization 36 (Spring 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reprinted in Krasner, ed., International Regimes. The reference is to p. 155 of the latter volume.
45. On this method of “process-tracing,” see George, Alexander L. and McKeown, Timothy J., “Case Studies and Theories of Organizational Decision Making,” Advances in Information Processing in Organizations 2 (1985), pp. 21–58Google Scholar; or George, Alexander L., “Case Studies and Theory Development: The Method of Structured, Focused Comparison,” pp. 43–68Google Scholar in Lauren, Paul Gordon, ed., Diplomacy: New Approaches in History, Theory and Policy (New York: Free Press, 1979)Google Scholar.
46. There is actually a spectrum of goals between revolutionary and status quo. Moreover, these goals may be affected by the types of means available to states. See Buzan, Barry, People States and Fear (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983)Google Scholar.
47. The bipolar-multipolar distinction is emphasized by Kenneth N. Waltz, whose Theory of International Politics carefully and systematically develops the notion of political structure whose explanatory inadequacy we are criticizing in this article. For a recent discussion of the 19th century, see Schroeder, Paul W., “The 19th Century International System: Changes in the Structure,” World Politics 39 (10 1986), pp. 1–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Schroeder emphasizes the development of norms for the protection of small countries. What he calls “changes in structure” would not be considered structural changes by Waltz, and we would refer to them as changes in the process of the international system.
48. We are indebted to William Jarosz and Lisa Martin for insightful comments that helped us to clarify the issues in this section.
49. Etheredge, Lloyd, Can Governments Learn? (New York: Pergamon Press), p. 143Google Scholar; also “Government Learning: An Overview,” in Long, Samuel, ed., Handbook of Political Behavior, vol. 2 (New York: Plenum Press, 1981), pp. 73–161Google Scholar.
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51. Haas, Ernst B., “Why Collaborate? Issue-Linkage and International Regimes,” World Politics 32 (04 1980), p. 390CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Steinbruner, John D., The Cybernetic Theory of Decision (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar, and Jervis, Robert, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976)Google Scholar.
52. Neustadt, Richard and May, Ernest, Thinking in Time (New York: Free Press, 1986)Google Scholar.
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