Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2022
The question of who ran the Mongol Empire has long challenged historians, and various theories have emerged and retreated in answer to this problem. As far as the question of who ran the Persian part of the empire the answer has been made more elusive by the nature of the sources. Though excellent primary source material for this period abounds, for the most part it is written by the bureaucrats of the Il-Khanate themselves, most of whom were Persian. Very little Mongol material survives. It is this lack of Mongolian material that has prompted historians to speculate that perhaps none ever existed and thus that “the Mongols were happy to leave the tedious minutiae of government to those best qualified to cope with them.” In the case of Persia “those best qualified to cope” meant the traditional bureaucratic classes, and such individual luminaries as ᶜAta Malik Juvaini and Rashid al-Din and families such as the Qazvinis and Simnanis spring to mind.
1. See Morgan, David, “Mongol or Persian: The Government of Il-Khanid Iran,” Harvard Middle-Eastern and Islamic Review 3 (1996): 1–2Google Scholar, 62-76; see also Aubin, Jean, “Emirs, Mongols et Viziers Persans dans les Remous de l'Acculturation”, Studia Iranica. 15 (1995)Google Scholar.
2. Morgan, “Mongol or Persian”, 64.
3. Onon, Urgunge, The History and Life of Chinggis Khan (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990)Google Scholar.
4. Spuler, Bertold, Die Mongolen in Iran (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985), 238–40.Google Scholar
5. ᶜAta-Malik Juvaini, Genghis Khan: The History of the World-Conqueror trans. Boyle, J. A. (Manchester, 1997)Google Scholar (henceforth Juvaini/Boyle), 505.
6. Hamadani, Rashid al-Din Fazl Allah, Jāmiᶜ al-tavārīkh, ed. Rawshan, Muhammad and Musavi, Mustafa, eds. (Tehran, 1373/1994)Google Scholar (henceforth Rashid al-Din), 103, 607.
7. On Korguz's career see Juvaini/Boyle, 489-505 and ᶜAta Malik Juvaini, Tārīkhi jahān-gushā, ed. Qazvini, M., 2 vols. (London, 1916) (henceforth Juvaini/Qazvini), 2, 225–242Google Scholar.
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10. Juvaini/Boyle, 502-3; Rashid al-Din, 682, claims that Chaghatai's widow complained to Ogedei, who he states was still alive, who then ordered Korkuz's execution: “The Qa'an ordered that they should arrest him and fill his mouth with dirt until he should die.”
11. Juvaini/Boyle, 507.
12. See Allsen, T. T., Mongol Imperialism: The Policies of the Great Qan Möngke in China, Russia, and the Islamic Lands (Berkeley, 1987), 176–77Google Scholar. This conclusion is based on silver coins struck c1244-5 in Transcaucasia with the quoted Turkic inscription, without reference to a qa'an written in Arabic script and stamped on the reverse side from the Muslim formula.
13. Ibid., 545, 280.
14. Juvaini/Boyle, 526.
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17. Juvaini/Boyle, 529, 530.
18. Ibid., 508. Boyle in Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 4, 337 assumes that Juvaini exaggerates Sharaf al-Din's evil nature.
19. paiza, p'ai-tse = tablet of authority in wood, silver or gold sometimes bearing a tiger or gerfalcon depending on rank. See Morgan, David, The Mongols (Oxford, 1986), 105–7Google Scholar.
20. Yarligh = royal order or licence.
21. Juvaini/Boyle, 509.
22. Ibid., 539.
23. See “In the Service of the Khan,” ed. de Rachewiltz, Igor et al. (Wiesbaden, 1993), 122–7Google Scholar. Mahmud Yalavach and his descendants were among the most prominent of the non-Mongol functionaries governing the sedentary sections of the Mongol Empire. He was a Turkish-speaking Khwarazmian and was a merchant employed by Chingiz Khan as an intermediate with the Khwarazmshah. He is held to have been the architect of the qobchur tax system which eventually became the model for Arghun Aqa's regime in the west.
24. Juvaini/Boyle, 544.
25. Ibid., 511.
26. Eljigitei had been dispatched by Guyuk to subdue the west. See Jackson, Dissolution, 200, 215.
27. Juvaini/Boyle 512.
28. Cited in Allsen, Mongol Imperialism, 107. Yuan Shih, the official history of the Yuan dynasty, was compiled in 1369 on the orders of newly founded Ming dynasty. See Allsen, 11-12.
29. Juvaini/Boyle, 9-11.
30. Ibid., 152.
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34. Ibid., 517.
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40. Juvaini/Boyle, 108, n. 31.
41. Ibid., 515-16, 605.
42. Ibid., 514, 521.
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47. Allsen, Mongol Imperialism, 112-3.
48. For an explanation of the apparent discrepancies in dating the censuses between the various sources see Allsen, 132-3.
49. Minorsky, “Naṣir al-Din Tusi on Finance” 70, 77-8.
50. Juvaini/Boyle, 519.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid., 521.
53. Allsen, Mongol Imperialism, 123.
54. Juvaini/Boyle, 33-4.
55. Grigor, 75.
56. Ibid, 57.
57. Kolbas, Judith, Mongol Money: The role of Tabriz from Chingiz Khan to Uljaytu (PhD diss., New York University, 1992), 194–95Google Scholar.
58. Kirakos, 205.
59. According to Juvaini, Buqa was appointed basqāq along with Juvaini's father as ṣāḥib-dīwān by Arghun Aqa over the lands of Azerbaijan, Georgia, Rum etc. Juvaini/Boyle, 508, Qazvini, ii, 245.
60. Kirakos, 260-1.
61. Frik, V., V, Collection of Verses, (Yerevan, 1937), 165Google Scholar, cited in Galstyan, A.G., “The Conquest of Armenia by the Mongol Armies,” The Armenian Review, 23/4 (1975): 108Google Scholar; cf. Hairapetian, Srbouhi, A History of Armenian Literature (New York: Caravan Books, 1995) 373–383Google Scholar.
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64. See Allen, History of the Georgian People (London, 1932), 104, 115Google Scholar. Awag was of the family of Sargis Mkhargrdzeli, an aznauri (honoured and decorated mercenary) of Kurdish origin, who was raised by the Georgian King Giorgi. The three princes of this house had been the first to make accommodation with the Mongols to safeguard their vast landholdings which stretched from Ani to Somkheti. The family of Mkhargrdzelis were Armenian by religion; Allen History, 115.
65. Kirakos, 268.
66. Ibid.
67. The same destruction as had occurred in 1243.
68. The Historical Compilation of Vardan Arewelc'i, (henceforth Vardan) trans. Thomson, Robert, (Washington, D.C., 1989)Google Scholar, Dumbarton Oaks Papers no. 43.
69. Grigor, 321.
70. Ibid.
71. Juvaini/Boyle, 507-8.
72. See Boyle's note concerning this date, ibid., 510, n. 10.
73. Ibid., 510.
74. Sayfi, 172
75. Ibid., 170. It is not clear if this first 50,000 dinars is the same gift as the one given during the visit to Tus or another.
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77. Allsen, 71.
78. Kirakos, 300.
79. Ibid, 299-300, g 362-3
80. Histoire de la Georgie, 550.
81. Ibid; see also Bedrosian, Robert, trans., The Turco-Mongol Invasion and the Lords of Armenia in the 13th-14th Centuries (New York, 1985), 123Google Scholar.
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84. Kirakos, 300.
85. Bedrosian, The Turco-Mongol Invasion, 285-6, citing Step'annos Orbelean,; Orbelean, Step'annos, Histoire de la Siounie, trans. Brosset, M. (St. Petersbourg, 1864), 230–31Google Scholar.
86. Bedrosian, The Turco-Mongol Invasion, 286; Histoire de la Georgie, 552.
87. Kirakos, 296.
88. Ibid.
89. Step'annos Orbelean, Histoire de la Sioune, 232.
90. Ibid., 230.
91. Ibid., 233.
92. Ibid., 236.
93. Juvaini/Boyle, 523.
94. Ibid., 524.
95. Allen, History of the Georgian People, 115.
96. Kirakos 225-6.
97. See Bedrosian, The Turco-Mongol Invasions, 197.
98. Ibid. 196; Histoire de la Georgie, 529-30.
99. Allen, 116-7. On Hajji Aziz see Histoire de la Georgie, 561-65.
100. Kirakos, 325-30.
101. Vardan, 218.
102. Ibid.
103. Ibid.
104. Kirakos, 327.
105. Histoire de la Georgie, 563.
106. Rashid al-Din, 1061.
107. William of Rubruck's description of Arghun Aqa in idem, The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck,. eds., Jackson, Peter and Morgan, David (London, 1990), 263Google Scholar.
108. anon., Tārīkh-i Shāhī-i Qarā Khiṭā˒ī, ed. Ibrahim Bastani Parizi, M. (Tehran, 2535/1976-77), 156Google Scholar.
109. Ibid., 156.
110. Rashid al-Din, 74.
111. Jackson, Peter, “Arḡūn Āqā,” Encyclopaedia Iranica, 2, 402 citing KirakosGoogle Scholar; see also Rashid al-Din, 879-80, 881-885 on the relationship between Hulegu, Algu, and Ariq Boke.
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114. Sayfi, 310; Rashid al-Din, 1072; al-Din Khwandamir, Ghiyas, Ḥabīb al-siyar fī akhbār afrād al-bashar, ed. Dabir Siyaqi, M. (Tehran, 1353/1974), vol. 3, 85Google Scholar; idem, Habibu's-Siyar trans., Thackston, W. M., Tome 3, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1994), 49Google Scholar; Wassaf, 71; Ayati, 41.
115. Rashid al-Din, 1078.
116. Ibid., 1079, 1101.
117. Ibid., 1083. Khwandamir, 3, 85-86.
118. Rashid al-Din, 1084.
119. Ibid., 1086-87; Wassaf, 74; Ayati, 42-43.
120. Wassaf, 75.
121. Rashid al-Din, 1088.
122. Cited in Sayfi, 330. Baraq is reported as having returned to Bukhara, where he converted to Islam and took the name Sultan Ghiyath al-Din before suffering a paralysing stroke. In the Year of the Goat, 1270, he went to Qaidu Khan where he was given a poisoned drink that killed him. See Khwandamir, 3: 83, 87; Thackston translation, 47, 49; Ayati, 44; Wassaf, 76.
123. Histoire de la Georgie, 591; Peter Jackson “Arghun Aqa” citing A.G. Galstyn
124. See Vladimir Minorsky, Iranica, Tehran, 1964, 299-305.
125. Ibid., 299, 303.
126. Ibid., 301, 304.
127. Ibid., 301, 305.
128. See Aubin, Jean, “Emirs, Mongol,” 59Google Scholar.
129. Wassaf, 313; Ayati, 190.