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Assyrian Iron Helmets from Nimrud now in the British Museum

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

Tamás Dezsö  and
John Curtis
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Extract

This paper is concerned with a pointed iron helmet with decorative bronze inlay and a collection of iron fragments, also with bronze inlay, from similar or related helmets. All are now in the British Museum. The complete helmet, reconstructed from fragments (BM 22496), is clearly of Assyrian type, and the bronze inlay forms, amongst other motifs, a central design showing the king with crown-prince and attendant framed by a bud-and-garland border. This helmet was first published by Barnett in 1953, when it became possible through x-ray photography to discern some of the bronze inlaid decoration. Barnett identified the helmet as coming from Rassam's excavations at Nineveh, and as support for this suggestion cited a report to the Trustees of the British Museum by Samuel Birch referring to the arrival of a consignment of antiquities from Nineveh in July 1880 that included “an Assyrian bronze helmet”.

Almost certainly, however, Birch was referring to one of three bronze or bronze and iron “Spangenhelme” of Parthian or Sassanian date that are now in the British Museum (BM 22495, 22497–8). The two other examples were mentioned by Birch in his annual report for 1877 when he says that “two helmets from Kouyunjik” were mounted in that year. All three helmets are characterised by being made of metal plates fixed together with strips of bronze held in place by rivets. It is very unlikely, then, that the iron helmet with bronze inlay comes from Nineveh. It is much more probable that it, and the associated fragments, come from Nimrud, and they must be the fragments of Assyrian iron helmet with copper inlay registered under the numbers 48–11–4, 113–115 and described as coming from Layard's excavations in the North-West Palace at Nimrud. None of the fragments, nor indeed the complete helmet, now bears a registration number, but there seems little doubt about the identification.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 53 , 1991 , pp. 105 - 126
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1991

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References

1 Tamás Dezsö is responsible for sections II–III, while John Curtis has written the introduction. Both authors are very grateful to Janet Lang of the British Museum Research Laboratory for undertaking painstaking radiographic examination of the helmet and the fragments, and to Ann Searight for executing some of the drawings with her customary skill.

2 Barnett, R. D., “An Assyrian helmet”, BMQ, 18 (1953), 101–2Google Scholar. Previously it was listed in the Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities (British Museum, 1922), 169Google Scholar. See also Horn, H. G. and Rüger, C. B. (eds), Die Numider (Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Bonn, 1979), 313, Fig. 187Google Scholar and Curtis, J. E., An Examination of Late Assyrian Metalwork with special reference to material from Nimrud, unpublished Ph.D thesis (University of London, 1979), vol. I, 178–85Google Scholar, passim, vol. II, 32, Pl. XXVII.

3 Trustees' Original Papers 22 July 1880, 3228.

4 Trustees' Original Papers 19 February 1878, 1724. I am indebted to my colleague Dr. J. E. Reade for this reference.

5 For references to publications of these helmets, see Overlaet, B.J. in Iranica Antigua 17 (1982), 193, 195, notes 17, 23a–bGoogle Scholar. Other helmets of comparable type are in the Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire in Brussels, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Heeramaneck Collection in Los Angeles and the Iraq Museum in Baghdad. For a convenient source of illustrations see Overlaet, op. cit., Pls. 1–5. For a discussion of this type of helmet, see also now James, S., Evidence from Dura Europos for the origins of Late Roman helmets, Syria 63 (1986), 107–34Google Scholar.

6 WAA Acquisitions Register, vol. 2, 34.

7 Original Letters and Papers, vol. 36 (11 1846-Feb. 1847)Google Scholar.

8 See plan, in Nineveh and its Remains I, opp. p. 62Google Scholar.

9 Stearns, J. B., Reliefs from the Palace of Ashurnaṣirpal II, AfD Beiheft 15 (Graz, 1961), 82–3Google Scholar; Paley, S. M., King of the World: Ashur-nasir-pal II of Assyria 883-59 B.C. (New York, 1976), 59–62Google Scholar.

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11 The so-called “Sargon Vase”, BM 90952. Barag, D., Catalogue of Western Asiatic Glass in the British Museum I (London, 1985), no. 26, Fig. 2, Pl. 3, col. Pl. BGoogle Scholar.

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13 Iraq 27 (1985), 123Google ScholarPubMed.

14 The transportation of the antiquities is described in Gadd, C.J., The Stones of Assyria (London, 1936), 39–50Google Scholar.

15 Nimrud and its Remains I, p. xiiGoogle Scholar.

16 Paris, Louvre AO 11503; Thureau-Dangin, F. and Dunand, M., Til-Barsib (Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique 23), Paris 1936, 156–7, Pl. 14:1Google Scholar; Börker-Klähn, J., Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs (Baghdader Forschungen, Band 4), Mainz-am-Rhein 1982, 226, no. 252Google Scholar; Hrouda, B., Die Kulturgeschichte des assyrischen Flachbildes (Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde, Band 2), Bonn 1965, Pl. 58, no. 5Google Scholar. He dated the stele to the reign of Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 B.C.).

17 ana dIštar(XV) a-ši-bat uruArba-ìl

2 bēlti (GAŠAN)-āú iAš-šur-d[ür(BAD)]-pāni(IGI)-a 1[ú

3 [ ] uruKār(KAR)-Id Šul-ma-

4 nu-ašarēdu(MAŠ) ana balaṭ(TÌL) napšāte(zi.ME)-šú

5 iqqî(BAL)? -eš

F. Thureau-Dangin and M. Dunand, 1936, 157, Pl. 14:1.

18 The identification is debatable. The Annals of Ashur-banipal (Cyl. A, Col. IX, ll. 79–80) mention Ishtar of Arba'il as dressed in fire and wearing melammu (“aura”, “radiance”):

79 dIštar(XV) a-ši-bat uruArba-ìl

80 dGíra(Giš.BAR) lit-bu-šat me-lam-me na-šá-a-ta

(Rawlinson, H. C., The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. V, London 1909, Pl. 9, Col. IX, ll. 79–80)Google Scholar. Seidl, U., “Inanna/Ištar (Mesopotamien)”, RIA V (1976–1980), Berlin, 88 writesGoogle Scholar: “hinter ihr ist eine art Nimbus wiedergegeben”. But this kind of melammu is clearly identifiable on several representations of gods as a flaming circle around the figure of the deity. For example see the representation of Ishtar on an incised metal plaque (von Luschan, F., et al., Sendschirli I, Berlin 1893, 43, Fig. 12)Google Scholar showing the goddess on the back of her lion, in one hand holding the reins and with the other hand raised. Around the goddess there is the melammu resembling a flaming circle. But there could be another type or conception of melammu-representation known from an Explanatory List of Gods (CT 25, Pl. 10, col. II, ll. 2–6; pl. 15, obv. col. II, ll. 5–6):

5 šá me-lam-me tul5-la-tú

6 ki-iṣ-ṣú-ra-at

“(a goddess) girt with hanging melammus”. The goddess is unknown. We know only that she is “šar-rat ap-si-i”. She could be Damkina or Belit-ilani, or maybe Ishtar. For šarrat apsî and Išlar-apsî see: Tallqvist, K. L., Akkadische Götterepitheta, (Studia Orientalia 7), Helsingfors 1938, vol. I, 238, vol. II, 339)Google Scholar. Seidl, U. (RIA 5 (1976–1980), 88)Google Scholar writes: “Götterstalten—ist oft von einem Strahlenkranz umgeben (bei der stele aus Til-Barsib ist ein Teil davon auf dem Rücken dargestellt), der vielleicht das melammu der I. wiedergibt”. However, this is not simply a technical question of depicting the melammu (“ein Teil davon auf dem Rücken dargestellt”), but a question of the canonical representation of one of the goddess's cult statues: the intention was to represent a shield or a shield-shaped (hanging) melammu only on the back of the figure (as on helmet-fragment no. 1; see also Fig. 2c).

19 In this case, when we have not just a similar but exactly the same representation of a deity on two different objects (one of them dedicated to the goddess) from different sites, there can be no doubt that they derive from the same source, possibly from a well known statue presumably this is a canonical representation of Ishtar of Arba'il derived from one of her cult statues.

20 J. Börker-Klähn, 1982, 225–6.

21 49 dIštar(XV) a-ši-bat uruArba-ìl e-ru-ba-am-ma

50 imittu(XV) šumēlu(2,30) tu-ul-[la-a-ta] iš-pa-a-ti

51 [tam-ḫa-at] qašti(gišPAN) i-na i-di-šá

52 [šal-pat nam-ṣa]-ru zaq-tu [šá] e-peš ta-ḫa-zi

53 [ma-ḫar-šá ta]-zi-iz

Ashurbanipal Cyl. B, col. V, 11. 49–53; Rawlinson, H. C., The Cunieform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. III, London 1870, 32, 11. 49–53Google Scholar; M. Streck, 1916, 116, 11. 50–5.

22 Barrelet, M.-Th., “Les déesses armées et ailées”, Syria 32 (1955), 222 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Opificius, R., Das Altbabylonische Terrakottarelief, Berlin 1961, 86 ff., nos. 189 ffGoogle Scholar; Barrelet, M-Th., Figurines et reliefs en terre cuite de la Mésopatamie antique, Paris 1968, 332, nos. 575 (Larsa), 623 ff. (Kish)Google Scholar; Moorey, P. R. S., The Terracotta Plaques from Kish and Hursagkalama, c. 1850 to 1650 B.C., Iraq 37 (1975), 84–6, Pls. XXc, XXIaGoogle Scholar.

24 Paris, Louvre AO 10479, from Kish; M.-Th. Barrelet, 1968, 332, no. 623; cf. Bachmann, W., Felsreliefs in Assyrien, Bawian, Maltat und Gundük (WVDOG 52), Leipzig 1927, 88, Fig. 24Google Scholar.

25 Moorey, P. R. S., Iraq 37 (1975), Pl. XXIaCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 M.-Th. Barrelet, 1968, no. 623, Louvre AO 10479.

27 Ibid.

28 Buchanan, B.—Moorey, P. R. S., Catalogue of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in the Ashmolean Museum, vol. III, The Iron Age Stamp Seals (c. 1200-350 B.c.), Oxford 1988, 59, no. 364, Pl. XIIGoogle Scholar.

29 von Haller, A., Die Gräber und Grüfte von Assur (WVDOG 65), Berlin 1954, 71, Grab 811, Ass. 1119, Fig. 88Google Scholar; Jakob-Rost, L., Die Slempelsiegel im Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin 1975, 46, no. 188, Pl. 9Google Scholar.

30 Collon, D., First Impressions. Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East, London and Chicago 1987, 166–7, no. 773Google Scholar.

31 Barrelet, M.-Th., Syria 32 (1955), 258–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Moorey, P. R. S., Iraq 37 (1975), 85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 See Fig. 2c.

34 Ashmolean Museum 1891.331, B. Buchanan—P. R. S. Moorey, 1988, no. 364; Vorderasiatisches Museum, VA 5887, L. Jakob-Rost, 1975, no. 188.

35 See Fig. 2a.

36 See Fig. 2c.

37 See Figs. 2a and b.

38 Paris, Louvre AO 13092; Thureau-Dangin, F., et al., Arslan-Tash (Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique), Paris 1931, 60, 65 f., Pl. 2:1Google Scholar; J. Börker-Klähn, 1982, 223, no. 250.

39 I. W. Bachmann, 1927, p. 36, Fig. 23. 2. London, British Museum, BM 115694 (Ass. 8262); Andrae, W., Das wiedererstandene Assur, Leipzig 1938, 50, Pl. 21Google Scholar; J. Börker-Klähn, 1982, 223, no. 242.

40 Berlin, Vorderasiatisches Museum, VA 8750 (Ass. 9015); J. Börker-Klähn, 1982, 223, no. 243.

41 Taşyürek, O. A., Some Inscribed Urartian Bronze Armour, Iraq 37 (1975), 154–5, Pls. XXXVIa–bGoogle Scholar; Taşyürek, O. A., Darstellungen des urartäischen Gottes Haldi, in Şahin, S., Schwertheim, E., Wagner, J., eds. Studien zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens, (Fs. Dörner, F. K.), Leiden 1987, vol. II, 940–55, Figs. 7, 10–13Google Scholar.

42 For example: the winged sun-disk, the “lightning fork of god Teisheba”, and the gods and genii on Urartian helmets.

43 Menzel, B., Assyrische Tempel (Studia Pohl Series Major 10/1), vol. II. T. 85Google Scholar.

44 Dalley, S. and Postgate, J. N., The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser (Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud III), London 1984, 40–1Google Scholar.

45 We do not have detailed information on the marching and battle order of ancient Near Eastern armies, except for an extract from the Epic of Zimri-lim, (Archives Royales de Mari 26/1, p. 393)Google Scholar saying that Adad goes on the left wing of the battle order and Erra (Nergal) goes on the right; the “left and right wings” of the army or militia of Nuzi; the four divisions of the Egyptian army at the battle of Kadesh; and the turtanus of the left and right: 1. lútur-ta-nu imitti(XV), 2. lútar-tan-nu Šumēli(2,30) (MSL 12,238, col. 1:1–2; etc., see AHw, 1332, s.v. ta/urtanu).

46 Luckenbill, D. D., Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Chicago 1926–1927, vol. 2, §574, §736Google Scholar.

47 Ša qurbūte (left and right), ša Šēpē units. These troops consisted of cavalry and chariotry (S. Dalley and J. N. Postgate, 1984, 39) and we suppose infantry as well.

48 See Figs. 18, 19.

49 For example from the Nimrud Horse Lists. S. Dalley and J. N. Postgate, 1984, 36–7.

50 Presumably they consisted not only of cavalry but of infantry as well.

51 For example: S. Dalley and J. N. Postgate, 1984, no. 102. iii. 17' 18'; no. 108. ii. 20, 22, 23; no. 110. iii. 10', 12'.

52 We cannot use other ancient Near Eastern crested helmets because of the different structure of their crests:

the Hasanlu crested helmets: HAS 60–528 (Tehran); HAS 60–620 (New York, MMA 61.100.39a–m); HAS 60–906 (discarded); HAS 60–1078 (Tehran); HAS 62–581 (Philadelphia, UM 63–5–247).

London, British Museum BM 134705 (Frankel, D., The Ancient Kingdom of Urartu, London 1979, 20, Fig. 11)Google Scholar, said to be from N-W Iran.

London, British Museum, from Payne Knight Bequest, (Walters, H. B., Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman and Etruscan, in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, London 1899, 349, no. 2841Google Scholar; British Museum. A guide to the exhibition illustrating Greek and Roman life, London 1920, 81, Fig. 72 leftGoogle Scholar; Pflug, H., Griechischer Helme Geometrischer Zeit, in: Antike Helme, Sammlung Lipperheide und andere Bestände des Antikenmuseums, Berlin (RGZM Monographien 14), Mainz 1988, 19–20, Fig. 9)Google Scholar.

Lachish, bronze crest-piece of a helmet (or horse-trappings) (Tufhell, O., Lachish III, Oxford 1953, 387, Pl. 39:1–2Google Scholar; Ussishkin, D., The Conquest of Lachish by Sennacherib, Tel Aviv 1982, 57, Fig. 49)Google Scholar.

53 As none of these helmets is from a proper archaelogical context there is inevitably an element of doubt about their authenticity, and O. W. Muscarella has confided to JEC that he believes at least one of these helmets to be a pastiche. Nevertheless, the present authors are satisfied that on stylistic and technological grounds there are no particular grounds for suspicion, but it has to be admitted that in the absence of detailed analytical and technical studies there can be no certainty on this point.

54 Gröschel, S.-G., Der goldenen Helm der Athena (Ilias V, 743/44, AMI 19 (1986), 73–4Google Scholar.

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56 L. Vanden Berghe and L. De Meyer, 1982, 132, no. 24 (ng.).

57 Kellner, H.-J., Bemerkungen zu den Helmen in Urartu, Anadolu Araştirmalan 8 (1980), 212–13, Pls. 15–16Google Scholar; H. Pflug, 1988, 24, note 75.

58 Kellner, H.-J., Anadolu Araştirmalari 8 (1980), 211–2, Pls. 13–14Google Scholar; Gröschel, S.-G., AMI 19 (1986), 74, notes 229–33Google Scholar; Maass, M., AMI 20 (1987), 65–71, Pls. 1:2, 2, 3Google Scholar; Maass, M., Badisches Landesmuseum, 150 Jahre Antikensammlungen Karlsruhe 1838-1988, Karlsruhe 1988, 170, no. 97, Fig. 97Google Scholar; H. Pflug, 1988, 24, note 75; M. Maass, Badische Landesmuseum, Neuerwerbungen 1988, Antike, , Jahrbuch des Staatlilchen Kunstsammlungen in Baden-Württemberg 26 (1989), 195Google Scholar.

59 Budge, E. A. W., Assyrian Sculptures in the British Museum, Reign of Ashur-nasir-pal, 885-860 B.C., London 1914, Pls. 12, 15, 18, 21, 23–5Google Scholar.

60 King, L. W., Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser, London 1915, Pls. 3, 9, 14 and passimGoogle Scholar.

61 F. Thureau-Dangin, et al., 1931, Pls. 9:1, 11:1–2.

62 F. Thureau-Dangin and M. Dunand, 1936, Pls. 49–51.

63 Smith, S., Assyrian Sculptures in the British Museum, from Shalmaneser III to Sennacherib, London 1938, Pls. 38:1, 41–2, 45–47, 57Google Scholar.

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65 We can make a clear distinction between the two motifs (pairs of curves and continuous arcs) on the Assyrian palace reliefs. The pairs of curves, often with a vertical rib between them (as on so many ancient Near Eastern helmets), occur only on the 9th century B.C. reliefs of Ashur-nasir-pal II and on the Balawat gates of Shalmaneser III (see notes 59–60).

After this, on the 8th-7th century B.C. palace reliefs (Tiglath-pileser III, Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal), only the continuous arcs (semi-circles) are visible on the front of the helmets.

66 Hogarth, D. G., Carchemish I, London 1914, Pls. B.2a, B. 2bGoogle Scholar; Woolley, C. L., Carchemish II, London 1921, Pl. B.26cGoogle Scholar; Woolley, C. L. and Barnett, R. D., Carchemish III, London, 1952, Pls. B.44, B.45, B.46Google Scholar.

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68 Akurgal, E., The Art of the Hittites, New York 1962, 98, Pls. 64–5Google Scholar.

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70 Archaeological Museum, Kayseri. Bittel, K., Die Hethiter. Die Kunst Anatoliens vom Ende des 1. Jahrlausends vor Christus, (Universum der Kunst), München 1976, 338, Fig. 321Google Scholar. The similarity of the fragment to the Carchemish reliefs makes its origin doubtful.

71 L. W. King, 1915, pls. 3–4, 7, 9–12, 37–42; de Schauensee, M., Northwest Iran as a bronzeworking centre: the view from Hasanlu, in Curtis, J. E. (ed.), Bronzeworking Centres of Western Asia c. 1000-539 B.C., London 1988, 55Google Scholar.

72 Barnett, R. D., Excavations of the British Museum at Toprak Kale, Addendum, Iraq 16 (1954), Fig. 7Google Scholar; Barnett, R. D. and Falkner, M., The Sculptures of Assur-nasir-apli II (883–859 B.C.), Tilglath-pileser III (745–727 B.c.), Esarhaddon (681–669 B.C.) from the Central and South-Wesl Palaces at Nimrud, London 1962, Fig. 2:9Google Scholar.

73 Barnett, R. D., Iraq 16 (1954), Pl. IICrossRefGoogle Scholar; R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, 1962, Fig. 2:11.

74 Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R., An Urartian Archer on the Zinjirli Chariot Relief, Bulletin of the Institute of Archeaology 1959, Pl. IIIGoogle Scholar.

75 Ein Pferde-Pektorale, U. Seidl, in: Kelly-Bucellati, H. (ed.), Insight through Images, Studies in Honor of Edith Porada (Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 2), Malibu 1986, 229 ff., Figs. 1–2Google Scholar.

76 Muscarella, O. W., The Catalogue of Ivories from Hasanlu, Iran (University Museum Monograph 40), Philadelphia 1980, 29, nos. 54, 55A, 57, 61, 62Google Scholar.

77 HAS 60–528 (Tehran): Burned Building II, northwest corner; HAS 60–620 (New York, MMA 61.100.39a–m): Burned Building II, Room 5; HAS 60-906 (discarded): Burned Building II, Room 5, 6 or 7 or outside the building; HAS 60-1078 (Tehran): Burned Building II, Room 5; HAS 62-581 (Philadelphia, UM 63-5-247): Burned Building II, northeast area or outside the building. (We are much indebted to Maude de Schauensee for this information.)

78 For the problem of the chronology of early Urartian helmets depicted on the Balawat gates and their relation to the Hasanlu helmets see: R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, 1962, xx, xxiv; Borchhardt, J., Homerische Helme, Helmformen der Ägäis in ihren Beziehungen zu orientalischen und europäischen Helmen in der Bronze- und frühen Eisenzeit, Mainz-am-Rhein 1972, 104, 106, 107Google Scholar; Wäfler, M., Nicht-Assyrer neuassyrischer Darstellungen (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 26), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1975, 253 ff., 262, Figs. 167, 170, 171, 174Google Scholar; Winter, I. J., A Decorated Breastplate from Hasanlu, Iran, (University Museum Monograph 39), Philadelphia 1980, 24Google Scholar; Muscarella, O. W., Bronze and Iron. Ancient Near Eastern Artifacts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 1988, 52Google Scholar; M. de Schauensee, 1988, 55; Dyson, R. H. Jr. and Muscarella, O. W., Constructing the Chronology and Historical Implications of Hasanlu IV, Iran 27 (1989), 19–20Google Scholar.

79 L. W. King, 1915, Pl. 42; see note 71.

80 See note 66.

81 See notes 68–9.

82 Bossen, H. Th., et al., Karatepe Kazilan, Ankara 1950, Pls. XII: 64, 69, XVI: 82–83Google Scholar.

83 R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, 1962, xix, Pls. XXXVI, XXXVIII; xxiii, Pl. LI.

84 R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, 1962, xxiii, Pl. LII.

85 R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, 1962, xix-xx, Fig. 2:1, PI. XLI (Eastern campaign of Tiglath-pileser III, 2nd and 9th palû); xx-xiii, Fig. 2:2, Pl. LI (Anatolian [Phrygian?] campaign of Tiglath-pileser III, 3rd palû); xxiii–xxiv, Fig. 2:13, Pl. LXV (Urartian warrior?), (Urartian campaign of Tiglath-pileser III, 3rd palû) and Pl. LXI.

86 F. Thureau-Dangin and M. Dunand, 1936, Pl. XLIX.

87 Hodjash, S. I., Trukhtanova, N. S. and Hovhannissian, K. L., Erebuni, Pamyatnik Urarlskogo zodtsheslva VIII-VI v. do n.e., Moskva 1979, 22, Pl. 9:9Google Scholar.

88 The latest representation is on the Zinjirli chariot relief. See note 74.

89 The earliest known Urartian conical helmet bears an inscription of king Ishpuini (ca. 830–810 B.c.), London, British Museum, BM 135061. On the front of the helmet there is a geometric motif (the “lightning fork of Teisheba”). Barnett, R. D. and Curtis, J. E., A Review of Acquisitions 1963–70 of Western Asiatic Antiquities, 2, BMQ 37 (1973), 133, 136Google Scholar; D. Frankel, 1979, 20, Fig. 12; L. Vanden Berghe and L. De Meyer, 1982, 128, no. 17 (Fig.).

90 Assur, VAT 8951 = Ass 14446n. Reign of Ashur-nirari II (1424–1418 B.C.). Cylinder seal impression on a tablet (KAJ, 177) depicting heroes wearing conical helmets (without horns!) fighting with an animal. This is the earliest known representation of Assyrian pointed helmets. Th. Beran, Assyrische Glyptik des 14. Jahrhunderts, , ZA 52 (1957), 142–3, Fig. 1Google Scholar.

91 London, British Museum, WA 118807. Ashur-nasir-pal I (1050–1032 B.C.).

92 Conical (pointed) helmets from Hasanlu: HAS 60–883 (Tehran); HAS 60–1030 (Philadelphia, UM 61–5–352): Burned Building II, Room 5; HAS 72–69 (Tehran): Burned Building VI or outside the building. For the crested helmets see note 77.

93 Maass, M., AMI 20 (1987), 68Google Scholar (cf. Gröschel, S.-G., AMI 19 (1986), p. 74)Google Scholar; Kellner, H.-J., Anadolu Araflirmalan 8 (1980) 211–12Google Scholar suggested late 9th–early 8th century B.C. date.

94 R. D.'Barnett, 1976, Pl. 6 and passim.

95 R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, 1962, Pl. XLII (Leyden, A. 1952/12.1).

96 Botta, M. P. E. and Flandin, M. E., Monument de Ninive, vol. II, Paris 1849, Pl. 90Google Scholar.

97 Paterson, A., Assyrian Sculptures. Palace of Sinacherib, The Hague 1915, Pls. 7, 9, 14Google Scholar.

98 R. D. Barnett, 1976, Pls. 6, 17, 18, 66.

99 F. Thureau-Dangin and M. Dunand, 1936, Pl. 14:1; J. Börker-Klähn, 1982, no. 252.

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108 E. A. W. Budge, 1914, Pls. XXI:1, XXV:2 (Ashur-nasir-pal II); L. W. King, 1915, Pl. III: Band 1.3, Pl. XIV: Band III.2, Pl. XXIV: Band IV.6 (Shalmaneser III).

109 E. A. W. Budge, 1914, Pls. XV: 1–2, XVIII:2, XXIII:2, XXIV: 1 (Ashur-nasir-pal II).

110 E. A. W. Budge, 1914, Pls. XII:1–2, XV: 1, XVII:1–2, XVIII:2 and passim (Ashur-nasir-pal II): L. W. King, 1915, PI. III: Band 1.3, PI. XIV: Band III.2, Pl. XXIV: Band IV.6 (Shalmaneser III).

111 E. A. W. Budge, 1914, Pls. XVIII:2, XXIII:2, XXIV:1 (Ashur-nasir-pal II); L. W. King, 1915, Pl. III: Band 1.3 (Shalmaneser III).

112 U. Seidl, 1986, Fig. 3.

113 F. Thureau-Dangin, et al., 1931, Pls. 9:1, 11:1–2.

114 F. Thureau-Dangin and M. Dunand, 1936, Pls. 49, 50, 51.

115 S. Smith, 1938, Pls. XXXVII–XXXVIII, XLI–XLVII, LVII.

116 Luschan, F. von and Andrae, W., Die Kleinfunde von Sendschirli, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli V, (Mitteilungenaus de Orientalischen Sammlungen, Heft XV), Berlin 1943, 75–6, 163, Fig. 83, Pl. 40bCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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118 F. von Luschan and W. Andrae, 1943, 75–6, 162–3, Figs. 84–5, Pl. 40a.

119 M. Mallowan and L. G. Davies, 1970, nos. 13, 14, 16, 17, 29, 52, 53a–l, 54a–f.

120 M. Wärier, 1975, 72 ff., Figs. 35–46: Israel; 83 ff Fig. 57: Phoenicia; 121 ff., Fig. 64: Damascus; 163 ff., Fig. 93: Hattina; 200 ff., Figs. 120–1, 127: Bit-Adini; 225 ff., Fig. 143: Carchemish.

121 E. A. W. Budge, 1914, Pl. XXVIII; R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, 1962, Pl. CXXIV.

122 British Museum, WA 118800 and 136897–8, upper register.

123 British Museum, WA 124687–700, 1st, 2nd, 6th registers, WA 124685–98, 1st, 4th registers.

124 British Museum, WA N 2064.

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133 See note 114.

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136 R. D. Barnett, 1976, Pl. LXXI.

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140 H.-J. Kellner, 1976, 78, Kat. Nr. 137a; H.-J. Kellner, 1979, 152, Fig. B; L. Vanden Berghe and L. De Meyer, 1982, 133, no. 25 (fig.).

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