Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 August 2014
Full discussions have taken place in the pages of this journal of the distribution and chronological significance of gold and silver tubular beads with spiral ends in W. Asia and Greece. They were fully treated by Professor M. Mallowan, who recorded finds from Tell Brak, Alaca Hüyük, Troy IIg, Veri in the Caucasus, the shaft graves at Mycenae and Mari on the Euphrates. Spiral-end pendant ornaments from Hissar II and Ur III were connected by Mallowan with the style of these beads.
Mrs. Maxwell-Hyslop added the reference to the beads of this type in the Poliochni treasure of Lemnos with its well-established Troy Ilg connexions. The occurrence of a necklace of twenty beads in the Dorak treasure provides a further link between Alaca and Troy. Whilst admitting that beads of this type lasted over a long period, both authors agree that they made their first appearance in late third millennium contexts (2300–2000 B.C.), where they serve as a loose but valuable evidence of cultural contact in the latest phases of the Early Bronze Age, the Mycenae, Mari and Veri examples appearing to constitute a second group in the 1600–1300 B.C. bracket.
1 Iraq IX 1947 Pt. 2, pp. 171–6Google Scholar.
2 Iraq XXII 1960, pp. 109–110Google Scholar.
3 I.L.N. 29 11 1959, p. 754Google Scholar.
4 Schaeffer, C., Stratigraphie et chronologie comparée de l'Asie occidentale, p. 93Google Scholar.
5 Higgins, R. A., Greek and Roman Jewellery, p. 51Google Scholar, pl. 1.
6 Op. cit., p. 62.
7 Haller, H., Die Gräber und Grüfte von Assur, p. 10Google Scholar, pl. 10a.
8 C. Schaeffer, op. cit. p. 485, fig. 263; Maxwell-Hyslop, R., Iraq XI (1949)Google Scholar type 17, where another axe of this type from Assur is recorded.
9 H. Haller, op. cit., p. 10, pl. 10b.
10 Parrot, A., Syria XVIII (1937), pp. 81fGoogle Scholar, pl. XV.
11 Reuther, O., Die Innenstadt von Babylon, p. 19Google Scholar, fig. 14a; p. 81, fig. 16.
12 Ephemeris Arkheologiké 1932, p. 23Google Scholar.
13 Ibid., ikon 30 as found and pinax 18 as reconstructed. Coiled wire beads are common in the late Bronze Age Caucasian graves, e.g. Schaeffer op. cit. fig. 217, and are found amongst the Ur jewellery, Maxwell-Hyslop, loc cit. pl. XI, 4. They appear to be unknown in the Aegean but are found in Bronze Age Sicily.
14 Ephemeris Arkeologiké 1932, p. 41Google Scholar, pinax 18.
15 A.J.A. 1937, p. 484Google Scholar; Arkh. Deltion 1917, p. 222Google Scholar; 1919, pp. 82–94, 114.
16 Op. cit., p. 81.
17 I.L.N., 28 04 1962, p. 664Google Scholar, fig. 9.
18 Ibid., fig. 7.
19 Ibid., p. II, fig. F.
20 Insufficient details of the Marlik Tepe tomb-groups are available to enable a precise dating. A general date of ‘early part of the first millennium B.c.’ is all that has yet been given. On analogies with Luristan styles, the date of the gold and electrum vessels from Marlik is nearer to the eighth than the tenth century. Finds of metal vessels and beads from kindred cultural contexts of Amlash and Daylaman appear to be somewhat earlier than those of Marlik Tepe and are probably fully tenth century B.c., but spiral-end beads have not been recorded from these sites.
21 Sovjetskaia Arkheologia 2 (1957), p. 152Google Scholar, fig. 11.
22 The Nelson Gallery at Atkins Museum Bulletin, IV 2 (1962), p. 4Google Scholar.
23 Op. cit., p. 514.
24 Sovjetskaia Arkh. 2 (1957)Google Scholar, fig. 4. For Trialeti and Mycenaean examples cf. Schaeffer op. cit. p. 515. Other occurrences of these beads in Mycenaean contexts are: Amandry, P., Collection Helène Stathatou p. 28Google Scholar; Stais, P., Collection mycénienne p. 89Google Scholar; Ephemenis Arkheologiké (1889) p. 151Google Scholar, pl. VII.7. The type is also known in Cyprus, L. Cesnola Collection, Photographic Album photo 3, bottom row.
25 Sovjetskaia Arkh. 2 (1957), p. 148Google Scholar, flg. 4 for Lschasen examples. For Mycenaean examples Karo, G. ‘Schatz von Tiryns’, Ath. Mitteilungen LV (1930)Google Scholar, pl. IV; A. Persson, Royal Tombs at Dendra, pl. XXVII.
26 Op. cit., p. 514.
27 Accession No. 1953.66, The Cincinnati Art Museum Bulletin V 2 (1957), p. 14Google Scholar, fig. 4.
28 See now Barnett, R. D. and Falkner, M., The Sculptures of Tiglathpileser III, British Museum, 1962Google Scholar.
29 E.g. Bossert, H., Geschichte des Kunstgewerbes III, p. 356Google Scholar, ‘Goldshmuck aus Dilbat, Sammlung Frau Dr. Hahn, Berlin’.
30 Not only are Assyrian ivories and gold plaques found in the treasure, but also the jewellery group listed in Kunstschätze aus Iran (Ausstellungskatalog, Zürich 1961), 248Google Scholar. The granulated roundels are comparable to late Assyrian jewellery, Haller op. cit. p. 28. Dress plaques of diamond shape with double-spirals on the corners are especially interesting for their links with the spiral-ended crosses on the Ephesus Jewellery, Hogarth, Ephesus pl. IX, 33–47; pl. X, 33. An Assyrian ‘Maltese cross’ is worn by the relief figure of Shamsi-Adad, V, Pritchard, J. B., A.N.E.P., p. 442Google Scholar.
31 C. Schaeffer, op. cit., p. 498.
32 Ibid., figs. 217 (21–24), 298.
33 Kunstschätze aus Iran nos. 42, 43, 44, 45.
34 I am grateful to E. L. B. Terrace for providing a photograph of this material, which he has now published in Syria XXXIX (1962), pp. 212–224Google Scholar; also Terrace, E. L. B., The Art of the Ancient Near East in Boston, 1962Google Scholar, no. 13.
35 British Museum, Woolley, C. L., Ur Excavations: The Royal Tombs, p. 121Google Scholar, no. 61, U12380, pl. 144. They have a more angular shape and belong to what is described as a bracelet of gold and lapis diamonds. Possibly the gold copy the lapis beads.
36 John Marshall, Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilisation, pl. CXLIX.
37 Indian Archaeology 1959–60, pl. XIVB.
38 E. Schmidt, Excavations at Tepe Hissar, pl. LXVI, H2361, fig. 138.
39 Biegen, C. W., Troy I, p. 57Google Scholar, type 17, fig. 356; H. Schliemann, Troy and its Remains, pl. XX; Poliochni: Brea, L. Bernabo, Bollettino d'Arte XLII, Ser. IV, p. 213Google Scholar, fig. 36B.
40 Arik, R. Oguz, Les Fouilles d'Alaca Hüyäk al. 319–352Google Scholar, pl. CLXXXI. The Alaca beads are cast and appear similar to certain four-wing beads at Troy and Poliochni, but the two-wing beads at several sites appear to be made of two circular sheets hammered together.
41 A.J. XLIII 1 (1963), p. 141Google Scholar.
42 E.g. Kunstschätze aus Iran, p. 47.
43 E.g. Sovjetskaia Arkh. 2 (1957), p. 158Google Scholar.
44 Several Statements that lapis was available in the S. Caspian region, namely Mt. Demavend, are not substantiated by geological opinion. Hornblower quotes various opinions of assyriologists that lapis was available at Demavend, (Man 1949, p. 82)Google Scholar and E. Herzfeld interprets the Assyrian name for Demavend, ‘mount auknu’ literally and not as an epithet, Zoroaster and his World, p. 722. Stutzer, O. and Eppler, W. in Oie Lagerstätten der Edelsteine und Schmucksteine (Berlin 1935) vol. VI, p. 391Google Scholar state: ‘Die angeblichen Lagerstätten in Turkestan … Persien … sind sehr zweifelhaft’ A number of scholars have postulated a station in the Caspian region trading the Badakhshan lapis to the west; notably Harris, J. R., Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals (1961), p. 126Google Scholar, suggests that tfrrt, Egyptian name for lapis, indicates Tiflis or Tebris, south of the Caspian. Turquoise was available in the Nishapur district but not south of the Caspian (Stutzer-Eppler op. cit. pp. 348f). It is interesting to note that the new links between the Anau culture and the chalcolithic Quetta cultures provide examples of currency of lapis beads to Baluchistan and W. Pakistan between 2250–1850 B.C., Fairservis, W. A., Excavations in the Quetta Valley, 1956, p. 230Google Scholar; Archaeological Studies in the Seistan Basin etc., 1961, p. 74Google Scholar.
45 Ancient India IV 1948Google Scholar.
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47 ‘Allgemeines über die Schmucksacken des alteren Bronzeperiode’ in The Aegean and the Near East: Essays presented to Hetty Goldman, 1957, pp. 36–38Google Scholar.
48 ‘The Earliest Aegean Swords and their Ancestry’ in A.J.A. 65 (1961), 1Google Scholar.
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50 C. Schaeffer, op. cit., fig. 300.
51 Sovjetskaia Arkh. 2 (1960)Google Scholar, fig. 17. Whilst the Lschasen cart-pole standards provide impressive later parallels to Alaca Hüyük and Horoz Tepe objects, a group of animal figures from a Sargonid-period grave near Kirkuk (B.M.Q. XXVI, 3–4, p. 93Google Scholar, pl. XXXVII) are near contemporaries to the Alaca model animals and have certain stylistic similarities. One, ibid. pl. XXXVI b, appears to be a small standard or large pin.
52 Burney, C. A., ‘Eastern Anatolia in the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age’, Anatolian Studies VIII (1958), pp. 157–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chanzadian, E.B.. ‘Eneoliticheskoi Poselinei blez Kerovakana’, Sovjetskaia Arkh. 1 (1963)Google Scholar.
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54 Schaeffer, C., Ugaritica IGoogle Scholar, fig. 117.
55 Sovjetskaia Arkh. 2 (1960)Google Scholar, figs. 2, 3.