Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-m6dg7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-13T01:13:22.232Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

WINE FROM MAMMA: ALLUḪARUM-POTS IN 17TH-CENTURY bc TRADE NETWORKS

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 October 2020

Kathryn R. Morgan  and
Seth Richardson
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

New evidence allows us to demonstrate that a regional trade connected North Syria with both central Anatolia and Babylonia well into the 17th-Century bc. Archaeological evidence indicates that a specific type of vessel, the globular flask, was produced at Zincirli Höyük in the mid-17th century for the purpose of storing and transporting wine. The simultaneous appearance of these vessels as far afield as Kültepe and Sippar-Amnānum lines up with Late Old Babylonian attestations of alluḫarum-pots in 17th-c. texts from Sippar, Babylon, and Dūr-Abiešuḫ. These, we argue, must refer to the same vessels called aluārum in earlier Old Assyrian texts from Kültepe from the 19th century. Taken together, this evidence points towards the existence of a previously unsuspected trade network centered on the ancient Syrian state of Mamma that thrived in the decades between the collapse of the Old Assyrian Trade Network and the accession of Hattušili I. Through a dialogue between textual and archaeological materials, we are not only able to reveal the persistence of long-distance exchange for a century previously believed to lack it, but provide more context for the political transformations taking place at the end of the Middle Bronze Age.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 82 , December 2020 , pp. 179 - 205
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 2020

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

Most abbreviations used in this article follow The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (CAD); additional abbreviations include: ETCSL = The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk); Ḫaradum II = Joannès 2006; TLOB 1 = Richardson 2010. Abbreviations for texts published in series include CUSAS = Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology, and MHET = Mesopotamian History and Environment, Texts. “OB” occasionally abbreviates “Old Babylonian,” passim.

References

Akdoğan, R. 2019. “Kahramanmaraş'taki Mamma Şehri,” in Kabakcı, C., Solak, İ., Ceylan, A., Dumankaya, O., Canlı, M. and Ova, Ö. Y. (eds), Uluslararası Antik Çağ Döneminde Maraş Sempozyumu 17–18 Kasım 2018. Kahramanmaraş: Fikir Ajans. Pp.120–35.Google Scholar
Algaze, Guillermo. 1990. “Period III: Early Bronze-Middle Bronze Transition,” in Algaze, G. (ed.) Town and Country in Southeastern Anatolia, Vol. 2: The Stratigraphic Sequence at Kurban Höyük. Oriental Institute Publications 110. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Pp. 369–89.Google Scholar
Alkım, U. B. 1974. “Eine Linsenflasche aus Tilmen Hüyük”. Baghdader Mitteilungen 7: 9–12.Google Scholar
Archi, A. 2008. “Haššum/Hassuwan and Uršum/Uršaum from the Point of View of Ebla,” in Tarhan, T., Tibet, A., and Konyar, E. eds., Muhibbe Darga Armağanı. Istanbul: Sadberk Hanım Müzesi. Pp. 87–102.Google Scholar
Archi, A. 2015. Ebla and its Archives. Texts, History, Society. Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records 7. Berlin: DeGruyter.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Astour, M. C. 1963. “Place-Names from the Kingdom of Alalah in the North Syrian List of Thutmose III: A Study in Historical Topography”. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 22: 220–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barjamovic, G. 2011. A Historical Geography of Anatolia in the Old Assyrian Colony Period. CIN Publications 38. Copenhagen: Carsten Niebuhr Institute.Google Scholar
Barjamovic, G. 2018. “Interlocking Commercial Networks and the Infrastructure of Trade in Western Asia during the Bronze Age,” in Kristiansen, K. et al. eds., Trade and Civilisation. Economic Networks and Cultural Ties from Prehistory to the Early Modern Era. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 113–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barjamovic, G. and Fairbairn, A.. 2018. “Anatolian Wine in the Middle Bronze Age.” Die Welt des Orients 48/2: 249–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barjamovic, G., Hertel, T., and Larsen, M. T.. 2012. Ups and Downs at Kanesh: Chronology, History and Society in the Old Assyrian Period. Publications de l'Institut Historique-Archéologique Néerlandais de Stamboul 120. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.Google Scholar
Benati, G. 2016. “High, Low, and In Between: Patterns of Bureaucracy, Storage and Mobilization of Resources in Middle Bronze Age (2000–1600 bc) Northern Levant,” Studia Eblaitica 2: 123–76.Google Scholar
Bryce, T. 1999. The Kingdom of the Hittites. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Burgin, J. 2016. Aspects of Hittite Religious Administration in the Hittite Late New Kingdom. (PhD Dissertation. University of Chicago).Google Scholar
Butz, K. 1983. “On Salt Again … Lexikalische Randbemerkungen.” Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient 27/3: 272–316.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carter, et al. In preparation. Surveys and Excavations along the Syro-Anatolian Frontier: Vol. I, The Kahramanmaraş Survey.Google Scholar
Çatalbaş, M. 2008. Evaluating the Oylum Höyük MBA Painted Ware Within the Frameworks of the Syro-Cilician, Levantine and Khabur Painted Ceramic Cultures (M.A. thesis, Bilkent University, 2008).Google Scholar
Çayir, M. 2012. Kültepe'de 1997’de Bulunan Tabletlerin Deǧerlendirilmesi (Ph.D. dissertation, Ankara University, 2012).Google Scholar
Chambon, G. 2009. Les archives du vin à Mari. Mémoires de N.A.B.U. 12, Florilegium marianum XI. Paris: SEPOA.Google Scholar
Corti, C. 2018. “The Knowledge of Viticulture in Hittite Anatolia: An Interdisciplinary Approach,” WdO 48/2: 285–98.Google Scholar
Civil, M. 1996. “ḫar-ra = ḫubullu : Tablet X dug = karpatu,” in Sallaberger, Walther, Der Babylonische Töpfer und Seine Gefässe, MHE II Memoirs III. Ghent: University of Ghent. Pp. 129–60.Google Scholar
DeGraef, K. 1999. “Les étrangers dans les textes paléobabyloniens tardifs de Sippar (Abi-ešuḫ - Samsu-ditana, 2 ième partie.” Akkadica 112: 1–17.Google Scholar
Dietler, M. 1990. “Driven by drink: The role of drinking in the political economy and the case of Early Iron Age France.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 9 (4): 305–407.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Donbaz, V. 1998. “Inscribed Spear Heads and Some Tablets in the Gaziantep Archaeological Museum.” Altorientalische Forschungen 25 (1): 173–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dossin, G. 1970. “Le nom de signe «(m)ušlânu».” Revue d'Assyriologie 64/2: 162–163.Google Scholar
Duru, R. 2003. A Forgotten Capital City: Tilmen / Unutulmuş Bir Başkent: Tilmen. Istanbul: TÜRSAB Kültür Yayınları.Google Scholar
Eidem, J. 2008. “Old Assyrian Trade in Northern Syria: The Evidence from Tell Leilan” in Dercksen, J. G., ed., Anatolia and the Jazira during the Old Assyrian Period. PIHANS 111. Leuven: Peeters. Pp. 31–41.Google Scholar
Einwag, B. 2007. “Early Second Millennium Pottery of the Euphrates Region” in Matthiae, P. et al. , eds., From Relative Chronology to Absolute Chronology: The Second Millennium BC in Syria-Palestine; Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Rome, 29th November–1st December 2001. Rome: Bardi. Pp. 195–208.Google Scholar
Emre, K. 1994. “A Type of Syrian Pottery from Kültepe/Kanis” in Calmeyer, P., Hecker, K., Jakob-Rost, L., and Walker, C. B. F., eds., Beiträge zur Altorientalischen Archäologie und Altertumskunde. Festschrift für Barthel Hrouda zum 65. Geburtstag. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Pp. 91–96.Google Scholar
Emre, K. 1995. “Pilgrim-Flasks from Level I of the Karum Kanish.” Bulletin of the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan 8: 173–200.Google Scholar
Engin, A. 2011. “Oylum Höyük Kazılarında Ele Geçen Bir Grup Orta Tunç Çağı Yapı Adak Eşyası.” Belleten 75/4: 19–49.Google Scholar
Finkelstein, J. J. 1962. “Mesopotamia.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 21/2: 73–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Frangipane, M. 2012. “The Evolution and Role of Administration in Anatolia: A Mirror of Different Degrees and Models of Centralisation,” in Balza, M. E., Giorgieri, M. and Mora, C. (eds), Archives, Depots and Storehouses in the Hittite World. New Evidence and New Research. Studia Mediterranea 23. Genova: Italian University Press. Pp. 111–26.Google Scholar
Franken, H. J. and van As, A. 1994. “Potters Who Used Euphrates Clay” in Gasche, H. et al. , eds., Cinquante-deux réflexions sur le Proche-Orient ancien offertes en hommage à Léon De Meyer. Mesopotamian History and Environment Occasional Publications 2. Leuven: Peeters. Pp. 507–18.Google Scholar
Gasche, H. 1989. La Babylonie au 17e siècle avant notre ère: approche archéologique, problemes et perspectives. Mesopotamian History and Environment Series II Memoirs I. Ghent: University of Ghent.Google Scholar
Gates, M-H. 1988. “Dialogues between Ancient Near Eastern Texts and the Archaeological Record: Test Cases from Bronze Age Syria.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 270: 63–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Goldman, H. 1956. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus, Vol. 2: From the Neolithic through the Bronze Age. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Gorny, R. L. 1996. “Viniculture and Ancient Anatolia” in McGovern, P., Fleming, S. J. and Katz, S. H. (eds) The Origins and Ancient History of Wine. Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers. Pp. 133–74.Google Scholar
Günbatti, C. 2009. “An Eponym List (KEL G) from Kültepe.” Altorientalische Forschungen 35/1: 103–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Harris, R. 1970. review of J. J. Finkelstein, CT XLVIII. Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient 13: 315–18.Google Scholar
Hawkins, J. D. 2000. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol. I: Inscriptions of the Iron Age. Studies in Indo-European Language and Culture 8.1. Berlin: de Gruyter.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hawkins, J. D. and Weeden, M.. 2017. “Kizzuwatna and the Euphrates States: Kummaha, Elbistan, Malatya: Philology” in Weeden, M. and Ullmann, L. Z. (eds.), Hittite Landscape and Geography. Handbook of Oriental Studies Vol. 121. Leiden: Brill. Pp 281–94.Google Scholar
Herrmann, V. and Schloen, D.. 2018. “Zincirli Höyük, Ancient Sam'al: A Preliminary Report on the 2015 Excavation Season” in Horejs, B., Schwall, C., Müller, V. et al. (eds) Proceedings of the 10th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, 25–29 April 2016, Vienna. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Pp. 521–34.Google Scholar
Herrmann, V. and Schloen, D.. 2020. “Zincirli Höyu¨k, Ancient Sam'al: A Preliminary Report on the 2017 Excavation Season” in Otto, A., Herles, M., and Kaniuth, K. (eds) Proceedings of the 11th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, 3–7 April, 2018, Munich. Volume 2: Field Reports. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Pp. 129–40.Google Scholar
Herrmann, V. and Schloen, D.. Forthcoming. “Middle Bronze Age Zincirli: The Date of ‘Hilani I’ and the End of MB II.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research.Google Scholar
Hilgert, M. 2002. Akkadisch in der Ur III-zeit, IMGULA 5. Münster: Rhema Verlag.Google Scholar
Joannès, F. 1992. Haradum I. Une ville nouvelle sur le moyen Euphrate (XVIIIème–XVIIème S. av. J.-C.), with contributions by Kepinski-Lecomte, C. and Colbow, G.. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations.Google Scholar
Joannès, F. 2006. Haradum II: Les textes de la période paléo-babylonienne (Samsu-iluna – Ammi-ṣaduqa), with contributions by Kepinski-Lecomte, C. and Colbow, G.. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les civilisations.Google Scholar
Karakaya, D. and Morgan, K. R.. 2016. “New Evidence for the Middle Bronze Age in the Islahiye Valley: Archaeobotanical Results and Archaeological Context of a Recently Excavated Destruction Layer at Zincirli, Turkey.” Poster presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Schools of Oriental Research, San Antonio, TX, November 16–19, 2016.Google Scholar
Kelly-Buccellati, M. and Shelby, W. R.. 2007. “Middle Euphrates Ceramics in the Third and Second Millennia: A View from Terqa” in al-Maqdissi, M., Matoïan, V., and Nicolle, C., eds., Céramique de l’Âge du Bronze en Syrie, Vol. 2: L'Euphrate et la région de Jézireh. Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique 180. Beirut: Institute Français d'Archéologie du Proche-Orient. Pp. 119–54.Google Scholar
Kraus, F. R. 1983. Review of H. Klengel, Spät-altbabylonische Briefe aus Babylon. Altorientalische Forschungen 10: 49–63.Google Scholar
Kulakoğlu, F. 1996. “Ferzant-type Bowls from Kültepe.” Bulletin of the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan 9: 69–86.Google Scholar
Kulakoğlu, F. and Kangal, S.. 2010. Anatolia's Prologue, Kultepe Kanesh Karum, Assyrians in Istanbul. Kayseri: Kayseri Metropolitan Municipality Cultural Publication No: 78.Google Scholar
Laneri, N. 2018. “The Impact of Wine Production in the Social Transformation of Northern Mesopotamian Societies during the Third and Second Millennia BCE.” Die Welt des Orients 48/2: 225–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Luschan, F. von, and Andrae, W. 1943. Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, Vol. 5: Die Kleinfunde von Sendschirli. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Manning, S., Griggs, C. B., Lorentzen, B., Barjamovic, G., Ramsey, C. B., Kromer, B., and Wild, E. M. 2016. “Integrated Tree-Ring-Radiocarbon High-Resolution Timeframe to Resolve Earlier Second Millennium BC Mesopotamian Chronology. PLoS One 11 (7): e0157144. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0157144CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Manning, S., Barjamovic, G., and Lorentzen, B. 2017. “The Course of C14 Dating Does Not Run Smooth: Tree-Rings, Radiocarbon, and Potential Impacts of a Calibration Curve Wiggle on Dating Mesopotamian Chronology.” Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 13: 70–81.Google Scholar
Marchesi, G. 2013. “Tilmen Höyük: An Inscribed Bulla from the 1962 Campaign.” Gaziantep Regional Project Occasional Paper 2013:7, 1–16. OrientLab: doi: 10.12877/grpop201307.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marchesi, G. and Marchetti, N.. 2019. “A Babylonian Official at Tilmen Höyük in the Time of King Sumu-la-el of Babylon.” Orientalia 88: 1–36.Google Scholar
Marchetti, N. 2003. “Notes on an Old Syrian Seal Impression from Sippar.” Iraq 65: 161–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marchetti, N. 2010. “A Preliminary Report on the 2007 and 2008 Excavations and Restorations at Tilmen Höyük” in Matthiae, P., Pinnock, F., Nigro, L., and Marchetti, N., eds., Proceedings of the 6th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, May 5th–10th 2008, “Sapienza” – Università di Roma, Vol. 2. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 369–83.Google Scholar
Marchetti, N. 2011. Kinku: Sigilli dell'età del Bronzo dalla regione di Gaziantep in Turchia. Orientlab 1. Bologna: Università Bologna.Google Scholar
Michel, C. 2009. “‘Dis-moi ce que tu bois…’ Boissons et buveurs en haute Mésopotamie et Anatolie au début du IIe millénaire av. J.-C.,” in Faivre, X., Lion, B. and Michel, C., eds., Et il y eut un esprit dans l'Homme. Jean Bottéro et la Mésopotamie. Paris: De Boccard. Pp. 197–220.Google Scholar
Miller, J. 2001. “Anum-Ḫirbi and His Kingdom.” Altorientalische Forschungen 28 (1): 65–101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Miller, N. 2008. “Sweeter than Wine? The Use of the Grape in Early Western Asia.” Antiquity 82 (318): 937–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morgan, K. R. and Soldi, S.. Forthcoming. “Middle Bronze Age Zincirli: An Interim Report on Architecture, Small Finds, and Ceramics from a Monumental Complex of the 17th Century B.C.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research.Google Scholar
Nashef, K. 1987. Rekonstruktion der Reiserouten zur Zeit der altassyrischen Handelsniederlassungen. Wiesbaden: Reichert.Google Scholar
Özgüç, T. 1953. “Vorläufiger Bericht über die Grabungen von 1950 in Kültepe ausgeführt im Auftrag des Türk Tarih Kurumu.” Belleten XVII: 101–27.Google Scholar
Parrot, A. 1959. Mission archéologique de Mari, Vol. 2: Le palais, documents et monuments. Paris: Geuthner.Google Scholar
Pientka, R. 1998. Die Spätaltbabylonische Zeit: Abieshuh bis Samsudituna: Quellen, Jahresdaten, Geschichte, 2 vols. IMGULA 2. Münster: Rhema Verlag.Google Scholar
Podany, A. 2002. The Land of Hana: Kings, Chronology, and Scribal Tradition. Bethesda, MD: CDL Press.Google Scholar
Powell, M. A. 1996. “Wine and the Vine in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Cuneiform Evidence,” in McGovern, P. et al. eds., The Origins and Ancient History of Wine. Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers, pp. 97–122.Google Scholar
Richardson, S. 2002. The Collapse of a Complex State, 2 vols. (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York).Google Scholar
Richardson, S. 2010. Texts from the Late Old Babylonian Period. The Journal of Cuneiform Studies Supplemental Series 2. Boston: ASOR.Google Scholar
Richardson, S. 2019a. “By the Hand of a Robber: States, mercenaries and bandits in Middle Bronze Age Mesopotamia,” in Evans, R. and De Marre, M. (eds) Piracy, Pillage and Plunder in Antiquity: Appropriation and the Ancient World. London: Routledge. Pp. 9–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Richardson, S. 2019b. “Aliens and Alienation, Strangers and Estrangement: Difference-Making as Historically-Particular Concept,” in Mynářova, J., Kilani, M. and Alivernini, S. (eds) Crossroads III: A Stranger in the House: Foreigners in Ancient Egyptian and Near Eastern Societies of the Bronze Age, Prague: Charles University. Pp. 307–40.Google Scholar
Richardson, S. in prep. “The Origin of Foreign Slaves in the Late Old Babylonian Period.”Google Scholar
Rodenberg, J. J. 1980. “Premiers resultats des recherches archéologiques à Hayaz Höyuk.” Anatolica 7: 3–19.Google Scholar
Sallaberger, W. 1996. Der babylonische Töpfer und Seine Gefässe : nach Urkunden altsumerischer bis altbabylonischer Zeit sowie lexikalischen und literarischen Zeugnissen, MHE II Memoirs III. Ghent : University of Ghent.Google Scholar
Scheil, V. 1921. “Vocabulaire Pratique: Suse, Époque d'Ur.” Revue d'Assyriologie 18/2: 49–78.Google Scholar
Schwartz, G., Curvers, H. H., Dunham, S. S., and Stuart, B.. 2003. “A Third-Millennium B.C. Elite Tomb and Other New Evidence from Tell Umm el-Marra, Syria.” American Journal of Archaeology 107: 325–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Skaist, A. 1984. The Old Babylonian Loan Contract: Its History and Geography. Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University.Google Scholar
Sigrist, M. 1981. “Le travail des cuirs et peaux à Umma sous la dynastie d'Ur III.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 33/3–4: 141–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stol, M. 1980. “Leder(industrie).” RLA VI: 527–43.Google Scholar
Stol, M. 2004. “Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in altbabylonischer Zeit,” in Charpin, D., Edzard, D.O. and Stol, M. (eds) Mesopotamien: Die altbabylonische Zeit. Fribourg: Academic Press. Pp. 643–975.Google Scholar
Stol, M. 2016. Women in the Ancient Near East. Boston: DeGruyter.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tanret, M. 1998. “Le namkarum. Une étude de cas dans les textes et sur la carte,” in Gasche, H. and Tanret, M. (eds) Changing Watercourses in Babylonia, vol. 1. Ghent: University of Ghent. Pp. 65–132.Google Scholar
Ünal, A. 2015. “A Hittite treaty tablet from Oylum Höyük in southeastern Turkey and the location of Ḫaššu(wa).” Anatolian Studies 65: 19–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
van Koppen, F. 2004. “The Geography of the Slave Trade and Northern Mesopotamia in the Late Old Babylonian Period,” in Hunger, H. and Pruzsinszky, R. (eds) Mesopotamian Dark Age Revisited, ed.. Wien: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaft. Pp. 9–34.Google Scholar
Veenhof, K. R. 1987–1988. “The Sequence of the ‘Overseers of the Merchants’ at Sippar and the date of the year-eponymy of Habil-kēnum.” JEOL 30: 32–37.Google Scholar
Veenhof, K. R. 1991. “Assyrian Commercial Activities in Old Babylonian Sippar,” in Charpin, D. and Joannès, F. (eds) Marchands, Diplomates et Empereurs (FS Garelli). Paris, Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Pp. 287–303.Google Scholar
Veenhof, K. R. 2004. “Trade with the Blessing of Šamaš in Old Babylonian Sippar,” in Dercksen, J. G. (ed.) Assyria and Beyond: Studies Presented to Mogens Trolle Larsen. Leiden: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten. Pp. 551–582.Google Scholar
Vigo, M. 2019. “Staple and Wealth Finance and the Administration of the Hittite Economy,” in Hutter, M. and Hutter-Braunsar (Hrg.), S. (eds) Economy of Religions in Anatolia: From the Early Second to the Middle of the First Millennium BCE. Alter Orient und Altes Testament Band 467. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Pp. 141–51.Google Scholar
Vincente, C. A. 1991. The 1987 Tell Leilan Tablets Dated by the Limmu of Habil-kinu. 2 vols. Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University.Google Scholar
Von Dassow, E. 2008. State and Society in the Late Bronze Age: Alalah under the Mittani Empire. Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians 17. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.Google Scholar
Walker, C. 1980. “Some Assyrians at Sippar in the Old Babylonian Period.” Anatolian Studies 30: 15–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar