Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2016
The three main opposition groups in Ireland facing Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford, in 1640 were the Old English, the New English and the Ulster-Scots. All three groups had grievances over land and religion, but it was the religious issue which was primarily responsible for bringing the lord lieutenant into conflict with the Ulster-Scots. Because Charles I had a dispute with his subjects in Scotland, because the Ulster-Scots maintained close contact with their homeland and because of Ulster's close proximity to Scotland, the quarrel between Wentworth and the Scottish settlers in the north of Ireland gained a significance which transcended Irish politics. No major rebellion broke out in Ulster during the bishops’ wars, yet much of Wentworth's policy towards the Ulster-Scots during this period can, at best, be regarded as ill-advised. This paper will attempt to show how this policy developed and why it was misguided.
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2 ‘ The state of the diocese of Down [and Connor] before the last royal visitation in October 1634 ’ (Strafford MS, xx, pt b, no. 179). The Strafford MSS are among the Wentworth Woodhouse muniments in the Sheffield City Libraries. I thank Earl Fitzwilliam and his trustees for permission to cite them. All spelling in the quotations has been modern ised.
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29 Laud to Wentworth, 7 Oct. 1637 (Strafford MS vii, f. 58), Went worth to Laud, 18 Oct. 1637 (ibid., f. 56V.).
30 Wentworth and Irish council to English council, 29 Dec. 1637 (Strafford MS xi, pt a, p. 38), Wentworth to [Sir John Coke?], 8 May 1638 (ibid., p. 77); Wentworth and Irish council to Coke, 30 Oct. 1638 (ibid., p. 138).
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32 Wentworth to Laud, 1 Mar. 1638 (Strafford MS vii, f. 70V.).
33 Moody, , Londonderry plantation, p. 395 Google Scholar, Bramhall to Laud, 23 Feb. 1638 ( Cal. S.P. Ire., 1633–47, p. 182 Google Scholar).
34 Wentworth to Laud, 26 Apr. 1638 (Strafford MS vii, f. 96).
35 Same to same, 3 July 1638 (ibid,, f. 113v), Diary of Sir Archibald Johnston of Wariston 1632–1639 ed. Paul, G. M. (Scottish History Society, first series, vol. 61, Edinburgh, 1911), ii, 351 Google Scholar Neither Jamieson's Etymological dictionary of the Scottish language nor Grant's Scottish national dictionary lists the word ‘ caizment ’ Possibly Johnston used the word in the sense that he had set up a system for exchange of inform ation.
36 Baillie, , Letters and journals, i, 89.Google Scholar
37 Laud to Wentworth, 20 July 1638 ( Strafford's letters, ii, 185 Google Scholar); Wentworth to king, 11 Nov 1638 (ibid., ii, 235).
38 Wentworth to Laud, 26 Apr. 1638 (Strafford MS vii, IT 96–6v).
39 Laud to Wentworth, 30 May 1638 (Strafford MS vii, ff 112–12v).
40 Wentworth to Laud, 3 July 1638 (Strafford MS vii, f. 115).
41 Ibid., f. 113V
42 Gardiner, Eng., viii (1884), ff 353, 362–3, Wentworth to king, 28 July 1638 ( Strafford's letters, ii, 187–8Google Scholar).
43 Wentworth to Sir Francis Windebank, 10 Aug. 1638 (Strafford MS xi, pt a, p. 109).
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46 Wentworth to Laud. 22 Oct. 1638 (Strafford MS vii. ff 133-4); Same to king, 17 Oct. 1638 (ibid., iii, pt 2, p. 9. There is only one volume iii, but the pagination begins again at page one after page 344). Same to same, 11 Nov 1639 ( Strafford's letters, ii, 233 Google Scholar).
47 Kearney, , Strafford in Ire., p. 187 Google Scholar, Wentworth to Sir William Boswell, 26 Oct. 1638 (Strafford MS xi, pt a, pp 129–33), Wentworth to [Windebank?], 30 Nov 1638 (ibid., p. 148).
48 Wentworth to Boswell, 26 Oct. 1638 (ibid., p. 129).
49 Laud to Wentworth, 13 Nov 1638 and Wentworth to Laud, 27 Nov 1638 (ibid., vii, ff 143v., 148v., 149).
50 Wentworth to earl of Antrim, 5 Jan. 1639 (ibid.., x, pt a, p. 246); Wentworth to Sir Toby Matthew, 5 Jan. 1638 (ibid., p. 247).
51 Reid, , Presb. ch. in Ire., i, 230 Google Scholar, Wentworth to Laud, 12 Jan. 1638 ( Stafford's letters, ii, 273 Google Scholar).
52 Wentworth to Laud, II Feb. 1639 (Strafford MS vii. f. 166), Same to same, 12 Feb. 1639 (ibid., ff 168v–9v).
53 Same to same, 12 Feb. 1639 (ibid., f. 168v).
54 Ibid., f. 169.
55 Ibid., f. 168v The proclamation requiring the oath as finally drawn up included a somewhat vague clause whereby those who refused to swear were subject to ‘ the uttermost and most severe punishments which may be inflicted according to the laws of this realm, on contemners of sovereign authority ’ ( Strafford's letters, ii, 345 Google Scholar).
56 Strafford MS vii, ff 169–9v
57 Laud to Wentworth, 27 Feb. 1639 (ibid., f. 171v–2). An oath in all essentials similar to the one drawn up by Wentworth was taken by Scots at court in May 1639. It was also supposed to be applied to other Scots resident in London (Richard Bairrington to earl of Cork, 4 June 1639, N.L.I., MS 12, 813, pt 3, p. 523); ‘ An oath tendered to such Scots as are now in and about London ’ (T.C.D., MS 859, item 2).
58 Strafford's letters, ii, 325, 328–31Google Scholar, Wentworth to Windebank, 15 Apr. 1639 (Strafford MS xi, pt a, p. 218). For an account of Antrim's albortive expedition see Clarke, A., ‘ The earl of Antrim and the first Bishops’ war’ in Irish Sword, vi, no. 23 (Winter, 193), pp 108–15)Google Scholar.
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60 The Irish martyr or, a true relation of the lamentable sufferings of Mr John Trewman, who by the cruelty of that tyrant, the earle of Strafford, late lord lieutenant of Ireland, was hang'd, drawn and quartered in Carickfargus for his expressions of love and good will to the Scots, in these late times of troubles expressed in an information from the wife of the said martyr, and by two speeches of his own, the one in prison, and the other upon the scaffold (London, 1641), passim, Strafford's letters, ii, 342 Google Scholar; Baillie, , Letters and journals, i, p. 338 Google Scholar, Went-worth to Vane, 14 May 1639 (Strafford MS x, pt b, p. 77); same to [Coke?], 20 June 1639, ibid., xi, pt a, p. 244), At his trial Strafford used the plot as a justification for his policy, but at the time that it occurred he treated it with contempt. Trueman denied that there ever was a plot. He alleged that a Captain Giles had been sent to him to pretend sympathy with the Scots and thereby ensnare him, Sir John Clotworthy and others into admitting complicity with the covenanters. It seems more likely that Giles turned king's evidence after his arrest as he was mentioned as one of those who had been apprehended (Irish martyr, passim, Baillie, Letters and journals, i, 338; Viscount Chichester to Wentworth, 17 May 1639 (Strafford MS xix, pt a, no. 46).
61 Captain John Borlase to Wentworth, 20 June 1639 (Strafford MS xix. pt b, no. 67); Same to same, endorsed 2 July 1639 (ibid., no. 77); Captain John Bartlet to Wentworth, 25 June 1639 (ibid., no. 75), Wentworth to [Ooke?], 8 Julv 1639 (ibid., xi, pt a, p. 247).
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67 Gordon, , Scots affairs, ii, 204–5, 252, iii, 163Google Scholar.
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71 Strafford MS xix, pt b, no. 92.
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73 Wentworth to Laud, 12 Feb., 1639 (Strafford MS vii, f 169). Irish lord justices and privy council to king, 2 Apr 1641 (B.M., Egerton MS 2533, f. 11 iv.). Although the lord justices were in no doubt that such a proclamation had been issued, it is not listed in Steele, Tudor & Stuart proclam., ii, and no copy of it can be found.
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75 Bramhall to Laud, 13 Sept. 1638 (P.R.O., S.P 63/256, f. 273v, Cal.S.P Ire., 1633–47, p. 198).Google ScholarPubMed
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81 Wentworth to Laud, 12 Jan. 1639 ( Strafford's letters, ii, 272 Google Scholar).
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83 James Spottiswood, bishop of Glogher; John Leslie, bishop of Raphoe; Henry Leslie, bishop of Down; Henry Spottiswood; Robert Maxwell, archdeacon of Down; John Echlin; William Fullerton, arch deacon of Armagh; William Fullerton, prebend of Armagh, and Robert Leslie.
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96 Information of James Forsythe. parson of the parish of Killinchy, 26 Mar. 1641 (B,M., Egerton MS 2541, f. 245).
97 Cal. S.P. Ire. 1633-47, p. 274.
98 Strafford's letters, ii, 185, 195.
99 Ibid., p. 270, Wentworth to Sir John Winter, 16 Apr. 1639 (Strafford MS iii, pt 2, p. 66); same to earl of Northumberland, 15 Apr. 1639 (ibid., x, pt b, p. 69). By 30 May Wentworth had reduced this estimate to 100,000 ‘of the Scottish nation’ (H.M.C., Cowper MSS (London 1888), ii, 228.
100 Wandesford to Bramhall, 7 May 1640 (The Raw don papers, ed. E. Berwick (London, 1819), p. 62). In 1642 the British in Ulster had an army of 12,000 foot and several troops of horse. Robert Monroe's soldiers, who were recent arrivals from Scotland, contributed only 2,500 men to this figure (Carte, Ormond ii, 237-9).
101 Strafford's letters, ii, 233.
102 Wentworth to Boswell, 26 Oct. 1638 (Strafford MS xi, pt a, p. 129). See also Moody, Londonderry plantation, p. 394.
103 Reid, , Fresh, ch. in Ire., i, 280-8.Google Scholar The petition is mentioned as having been presented to the Commons by Clot worthy in a letter from Ussher to Braimhall endorsed 19 June 1641 (P.R.O.N.I., T.415 f. 22, the same letter is published in Rawdon papers, pp 81—3, but no endorsement date is mentioned).
104 The history of the late war in Ireland ‘ (T.C.D., MS 747, ff 210v -11),’ Head of that discourse between two councillors of state concerning the present affairs of Ireland’ (T.C.D., MS 840, f. 19), General grievances of the peers and gentry of this kingdom of Ireland, c. 25 Mar, 1642 (T.C.D., MS 840, f, 25), ‘The humble remonstrance of the northern catholics of Ireland, now in arms', 1642 (Gilbert, Contemp. hist. 1641-52, i, pt 2, p. 453). The petition demanded the extirpation of prelacy and, among other charges, accused the bishops of tolerating Roman Catholics while persecuting protestants. The petition did not, however, openly demand the extirpation of Roman Catholicism.