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Trade and Civilization around the Bay of Bengal, c. 1650–18001

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 June 2011

Jos Gommans
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Extract

About seven years ago the journal Itinerario issued a special volume on the Ancien Régime in India and Indonesia that carried the papers presented at the third Cambridge-Leiden-Delhi-Yogyakarta conference. The aim of the conference was a comparative one in which state-formation, trading net-works and socio-political aspects of Islam were the major topics. Thumbing through the pages of this issue (while preparing this essay) I had the impression that the results of the conference went beyond its initial comparative goals. Directly or indirectly, several papers stressed that during the early-modern phase India and Indonesia were still part of a cultural continuum that was only gradually broken up by the ongoing process of European expansion during the nineteenth century. It appeared that even after the earlier course of so-called ‘Indianisation’ – a designation that unjustly conveys an Indian ‘otherness’ – India and the Archipelago shared many characteristics, especially in terms of their political and religious orientation. More importantly, these shared traits were shaped by highly mobile groups of traders, pilgrims and courtiers who criss-crossed the Bay of Bengal, traversing both the lands above and below the winds.

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Articles
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Itinerario , Volume 19 , Issue 3 , November 1995 , pp. 82 - 108
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Copyright © Research Institute for History, Leiden University 1995

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References

Notes

2 Allami, Abu'l Fazl, The A'in-i Akbarilll, trans. Blochmann, H. & Jarret, H. S. (Calcutta 1927-1949) 1Google Scholar.

3 The Anden Regime in India and Indonesia. Special Issue Itinerario 12/1 (1988)Google Scholar with contributions by P.J. Marshall, R. van Niel, Andre Wink, Om Prakash, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, W. Remmelink, KA. Steenbrink, Susan Bayly, Vincent Houben, Dirk Kolff and Leonard Blussé.

4 See e.g. the contributions by André Wink, ‘Al-Hind, India and Indonesia in the Islamic World-Economy, c. 700–1800 A.D.’, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘State Formation and Trans-formation in Early Modern India and Southeast Asia’ and Suzan Bayly, ‘Islam and State Power in Pre-Colonial South India’.

5 The two best accounts on the process of Indianisation are Coedès, G., Les élats hindouisis d'Indochine et d'Indonésie (Paris 1964)Google Scholar and Wink, A., Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World. I: Early Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam, 7lh-llth Centuries (Leiden 1990).Google Scholar For Java, see Lombard, D., Le carrefour javanais: Essai d'histoire globale. III: L'héritage des royaumes concentriques (Paris 1990)Google Scholar.

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7 Unfortunately, apart from Java (see Lombard, D., Le carrefour javanais. II: Les reseaux asiaiiques (Paris 1990)Google Scholar), only very few studies have gone into the Islamicization process of most of the Southeast-Asian interior during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Some interesting starting points are offered by Dobbin, C., Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy. Central Sumatra, 1784–1847 (London & Malmo 1983)Google Scholar; Bruinessen, M. van, ‘The Origins and Development of the Naqshbandi Order in Indonesia’, Der Islam 67 (1990) 150–179Google Scholar; and Perret, D., ‘Sumatra nord-est dans l'espace acihais jusqu'a la fin de la guerre d'Aceh’, Archipe 48 (1994) 63–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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12 For a detailed description of the Indian infra-structure of routes, see Deloche, J., La circulation en Inde avant la revolution des transport (2 vols; Paris 1980)Google Scholar.

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14 See e.g.Milner, A.C., Kerajaan: Malay Political Culture on the Eve of Colonial Rule (Tucson 1982) 1–13Google Scholar.

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17 The degree of central control under the Mughals is of course under debate. For the latest positions, see Richards, J.F., The Mughal Empire (Cambridge 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Alam, M. & Subrahmanyam, S., ‘L'etat moghol et sa fiscalite, XVIe-XVIIIe siecles’, Annales 1 (1994) 189–217.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The on-going importance of the inner frontier for the Indian political realm has once and again been stressed by Heesterman, J.C.. See e.g. his The Inner Conflict of Tradition. Essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship, and Society (Chicago & London 1985) 170–175Google Scholar, and more recendy his ‘Warrior, Peasant and Brahmin’, Modern Asian Studies 29/3 (1995) 637–654.CrossRefGoogle Scholar More generally, see Wink, A., Land and Sovereignty in India. Agrarian Society and politics under the Eighteenth-Century Maratha Svarajya (Cambridge 1986) 9–157Google Scholar.

18 For the conditions of horse-breeding in India, see my The Rise of the Indo-Afghan Empire, c. 1710–1780 (Leiden 1995) 68–79.Google Scholar For a good summary of the horse-warrior revolution in the Middle East, see Chamberlain, M., Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus, 1190–1350 (Cambridge 1994) 29–36Google Scholar.

19 See e.g.Lombard, Denys, Le sultanat d'Atjeh au temps d'Iskandar Muda, 1607–1636 (Paris 1967) 89Google Scholar; Lombard, , Carrefour II, 99Google Scholar, andPombejra, Dhiravat na, ‘Ayutthaya at the End of the Seventeenth Century: Was there a Shift to Isolation’ in: Reid, A. ed., Southeast Asia, 259Google Scholar.

20 A good survey of the early history of the orang laut has still to be written. Useful is Sopher, D.E., The Sea Nomads. A Study based on the Literature of the Maritime Boat People of Southeast Asia (Singapore 1965)Google Scholar.

21 See my Indo-Afghan Empire, 13–26; 135–144.

22 According to Lombard even large parts of the Javanese pasisir remained open to this Bay-of-Bengal traffic (Lombard, Carrefour II, 59).

23 For some general trends in the late-seventeenth and eighteenthcentury Indian Ocean trade, see the contributions of Arasaratnam, S. and Gupta, Ashin Das in Gupta, Ashin Das & Pearson, M.N. eds, India and the Indian Ocean 1500–1800 (Calcutta 1987)Google Scholar.

24 Arasaratnam, S., Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast, 1650–1740 (Delhi 1986)Google Scholar on the Coromandel coast and Prakash, Om, The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal, 1620–1720 (Princeton 1985)Google Scholar on Bengal stand out as the major studies in the field of maritime commerce. Unfortunately, the best integrative study stops at about 1650: Subrahmanyam, S., The Political Economy of Commerce: Southern India 1500–1650 (Cambridge 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 On Bengal, see Eaton, , Rise of Islam;Google Scholar for Awadh, see Alam, M., The Crisis of Empire in Mughid North India. Awadh and the Punjab, 1707–48 (Delhi 1986)Google Scholar; for Hyderabad, see Richards, J.F., Mughal Administration in Golconda (Oxford 1975)Google Scholar and Chander, Sunil, ‘From a Pre-Colonial Order to a Princely State: Hyderabad in Transition, c. 1748–1865’ (unpublished PhD thesis; Cambridge 1987)Google Scholar; for Maharashtra, see Wink, A., Land and Sovereignty.Google Scholar Southern India is still much in need of a study on the development of commercial routes after about 1650.

26 For this Mughal withdrawal, seePrakash, Om, Dutch East India Company, 229–230Google Scholar.

27 See Gupta, Ashin Das, ‘India and the Indian Ocean in the Eighteenth Century’ in: Gupta, Ashin Das, India and the Indian Ocean, 136–146Google Scholar.

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29 Pombejra, , ‘Ayutthaya’, 259Google Scholar; Arasaratnam, , Merchants, 169–171Google Scholar; Gommans, , Indo-Afghan Empire, 80–84Google Scholar.

30 For the various overland connections, see e.g. Deyell, John, ‘The China Connection: Problems of Silver Supply in Medieval Bengal’ in: Richards, J.F. ed., Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modem Worlds (Durham 1983) 207–224Google Scholar and Stargardt, J., ‘Burma's Economic and Diplomatic Relations with India and China from Early Medieval Sources’, Journal of the Social and Economic History Review 14 (1971) 38–62Google Scholar.

31 Gait, E., A History of Assam (Calcutta & Simla 1926) 160–194.Google Scholar A great deal of information on medieval Assam is provided by an extensive amount of local Ahom chronicles or Burnnjis. A useful seventeenth-century Mughal account of Assam is provided by Fathiya Ibriyah by Shihab al-Din Talish. For a translation, see Sarkar, J., ‘Assam and the Ahoms in 1660 A.D.’, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 1 (1915) 179–195.Google Scholar The first more extensive British reports on Assam trade are from Thomas Welsh and Francis Hamilton. For these, see MacKenzie, A., History of the Relations of the Government with the Hill Tribes of the North-East Frontier of Bengal (Calcutta 1884) 377–394Google Scholar and Hamilton, F., An Account of the Burman Empire and the Kingdom of Assam (Calcutta 1839) 101–103.Google Scholar See also MacCosh, John, Topography of Assam (Calcutta 1837)Google Scholar; Pemberton, R.B., Report on the Eastern Frontier of British India (Calcutta 1835)Google Scholar; Martin, M., The History, Antiquities, Topography and Statistics of Eastern India III (London 1838)Google Scholar.

32 Arakan stands much in need of further study. For a survey of its commercial position, see Collis, M. & Bu, San Shwe, ‘Arakan's Place in the Civilization of the Bay: A Study of coinage and foreign Relations’, Journal of the Burma Research Society 15/1 (1925) 34–52.Google Scholar For the developments in northern Arakan (Chittagong), see Eaton, , Rise of Islam, 234–267.Google Scholar For the coastal trade with Pegu, see Francklin, W., Tracts, Political, Geographical and Commercial on the Dominions of Ava (London 1811) 94–99, 131–132.Google Scholar For the spread of Bengali culture, see Harrison, J.B., ‘Arakan’, Encyclopaedia of Islam I (2nd ed.; Leiden 1986)Google Scholar and Khan, M. Siddiq, ‘Badr Maqams or the Shrines of Badr al-Din-Auliya’, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan 8/1 (1962) 17–46Google Scholar.

33 For the commercial relations of Pegu, see the articles of Lieberman, V., ‘Europeans, Trade, and the Unification of Burma, c. 1540–1620’, Oriens Extremus 27/2 (1980) 203–227Google Scholar; ‘Secular Trends in Burmese Economic History, c. 1350–1830, and their Implications for State Formation’, Modern Asian Studies 25/1 (1991) 1–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Was the Seventeenth Century a Watershed in Burmese History?’ in: Reid, ed., Southeast Asia, 214–250Google Scholar.

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37 Strong indications for the increasing importance of Burmese trade with Yunnan are provided by Lieberman, himself, ‘Seventeenth Century’, 232–233Google Scholar and Leach, E.R., Political Systems of Highland Burma. A Study of Kachin Social Structure (London 1964) 34–35.Google Scholar See also the tatter's ‘The Frontiers of “Burma”’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 3/1 (1960) 160–161.Google Scholar Published Dutch reports date from the late seventeenth century ( Dam, Pieter vanBeschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie II/2 (The Hague 1932) 81–96.Google Scholar The first extensive English reports relate to the embassy of Michael Symes in 1795 (see Symes, M., An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom ofAva sent by the Governor-General of India in the Year 1795 (London 1800) 325–328Google Scholar and Hamilton, , Account, 9–13Google Scholar) and Hyram Cox in 1796–1798 (see Francklin, W., Tracts, 26–123Google Scholar). See also Sangermano, V., A Description of the Burmese Empire, trans. Tandy, W. (New York 1969) 172–177Google Scholar.

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40 For Siamese trade, see Viraphol, Sarasin, Tribute and Profit: Sino-Sitimese Trade, 1652–1853 (Cambridge Mass. 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Cushman, J.W., Fields from the Sea (New York 1994)Google Scholar.

41 For Siamese connection with India via Mergui-Tenasserim, see e.g.: Furnivall, J.S., ‘From China to Pegu: A Study in Burmese History’, Journal of the Burma Research Society 6 (1916) 27–35Google Scholar; Pombejra, Dhiravat na, ‘Seventeenth Century’, 263–264Google Scholar; Wyatt, D.K., Thailand: A Short History (New Haven & London 1984) 112Google Scholar; Subrahmanyam, S., ‘Iranians Abroad: Intra-Asian Elite Migration and Early Modern State Formation’, The Journal of Asian Studies 51/2 (1992) 348–349CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 For Dutch involvement in Sumatran gold mining, see Rueb, P., ‘Une mine d'or a Sumatra. Technologie saxonne et methodes indigenes au XVIIe siede’, Archipel 41 (1991) 13–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 Probably, there was a growing demand for ‘covering’ textiles following the ongoing Islamicization process in the area.

44 There are several monographs on regional Malay states which bear this out: Bonney, R., Kedah 1771–1821: The Search for Security and Independence (Kuala Lumpur & Singapore 1971)Google Scholar; Andaya, L.Y., The Kingdom ofjohor 1641–1728 (Kuala Lumpur 1975)Google Scholar; Kathirithamby-Wells, J., The British West Sumatran Presidency (1760–85): Problems of Early Colonial Enterprise (Kuala Lumpur 1977)Google Scholar; Andaya, B. Watson, Perak, The Abode of Grace: A Study of an Eighteenth Century Malay State (Kuala Lumpur 1979)Google Scholar; Andaya, B. Watson, To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Honolulu 1993)Google Scholar.

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46 Lombard, , Carrefour, II 94–96Google Scholar.

47 The best survey of the VOC policies in the Straits is Vos, Reinout, Gentlefanus, Merchant Prince: The VOC and the Tightrope of Diplomacy in the Malay World, 1740–1800 (Leiden 1993).Google Scholar See also Lewis, D., ‘The Dutch East India Company and the Straits of Malacca 1700–1784: Trade and Politics in the Eighteenth Century’ (unpublished PhD thesis; Australian National University 1970)Google Scholar.

48 For the Bugi network, see Curtin, P.D., Cross-CuLural Trade in World History (Cambridge 1984) 158–167CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hamonic, G., ‘Les reseaux marchands bugis-makassar: Grandeur et decadence du principe de la liberte des mers’ in: Lombard, D. & Aubin, J. eds, Marchands et hommes d'affaires asialiques (Paris 1987) 253–265Google Scholar and Andaya, L.Y., Kingdom of johorGoogle Scholar.

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53 A major exception is, of course, the breathtaking enterprise of Denys Lombard in his Le carrefourjavanais. However, the cultural developments he describes for our period are mainly based on his knowledge of classical Malay literature. It remains to be seen to what extent Java and the western Malay world underwent common processes of change. It is my tentavive point of view that, from about 1660, they followed divergent courses.

54 Godakumbura, C.E., ‘Relations between Burma and Ceylon’, Journal of the Burma Research Society 44/2 (1966), 145–162Google Scholar; Goonewardena, K.W., ‘Ayutthia in the Twilight Years and its Triangular Relations with the VOC and Sri Lanka’, Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities 6/1–2 (1980) 1–47Google Scholar.

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56 SeeBayly, , Saints, 79–86Google Scholar and Dale, S.F., Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier The Mappilas of Malabar 1498–1922 (Oxford 1980)Google Scholar.

57 For the political impact of Sufism, see e.g. the studies of Simon Digby: ‘The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval India’ in: Gaboricau, M. ed., Islam en Asie du Sud (Paris 1986) 57–77Google Scholar; ‘The Sufi Shaykh and the Sultan: A Conflict of Claims to Authority in Medieval India’, Iran 28 (1990) 71–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Richards, J.F., ‘Norms of Comportment among Imperial Mughal Officers’ in: Metcalf, B.D. ed., Moral Conduct of ‘Adah’ in South Asian Islam (Berkeley 1984) 255–290Google Scholar, and his ‘The Formulation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir’ in: Richards, J.F. ed.. Kingship and Authority in South Asia (Madison 1978) 252–282Google Scholar.

58 For a general survey of this trend, see Robinson, F., Atlas of the Islamic World since 1500 (Oxford 1982) 110–130Google Scholar.

59 Keddie, N.R., ‘The Revolt of Islam, 1700 to 1993: Comparative Considerations and Relations to Imperialism’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 36 (1994) 469CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 See e.g.Eaton, , Rise of Islam, 268–305Google Scholar on Bengal; Bayly, , Saints, 115–150Google Scholar on south India; Lombard, , Camfour II, 110–120 on JavaGoogle Scholar.

61 For example, in the interior ofjava there was no clear-cut distinction between the pesantrinwhich both referred to a kind of law-school (madrasah) as to a Sufi hospice (khnnaqnh)along the fringe of the settled world ( Lombard, , Carrefour, II 114)Google Scholar.

62 On the Persian tendencies in early Malay literature, see Hooykaas, C., Over Maleische Literaluur (Leiden 1937) 141–170Google Scholar, and Winstedt, R., A History of Classical Malay Literature (Kuala Lumpur & Singapore 1969) 84–134Google Scholar.

63 For a full description of Acehnese court literature, see Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjeh, 151–159.Google Scholar Cf. Tauer, F., ‘History and Biography’ in: Rypka, J. ed., History of Persian Literature (Dordrecht 1968) 438–459Google Scholar.

64 Schrieke, B., Indonesian Sociological Studies II (The Hague & Bandung 1957) II, 249–253.Google Scholar Cf. Marrison, G.E., ‘Persian Influences in Malay Life (1280–1650)1’, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 28/1 (1955) 52–69Google Scholar.

65 See e.g. Winstedt, R.O., ‘Kingship and Enthronement in Malaya’, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 20 (1947), 129–39.Google Scholar Cf.Lombard, , Camfour II, 292Google Scholar.

66 Compare this with the syncretic mood of Sultan Agung (1613–1645) of Mataram, a contemporay of Akbar and Iskandar Muda (Lombard, Camfour II, 292).

67 Subrahmanyam, , ‘Iranians Abroad’, 349.Google Scholar See also Aubin, J., ‘Les Persans au Siam sous le Regne de Narai (1656–1688)’, Mare Luso-Indicum 4 (1980) 95–126Google Scholar.

68 For a summary, see Streusand, D.E., The Formation of the Mughal Empire (Delhi 1989) 123–154Google Scholar.

69 Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjeh, 134–135Google Scholar; Andaya, Watson, ‘Cloth Trade’, 31Google Scholar; Milner, A.C., ‘Islam and the Muslim State’ in: Hooker, M.B. ed., Islam in Southeast Asia (Leiden 1983) 23–49Google Scholar.

70 E.g. in connection with the introduction of a new calendar, Akbar ordered the composition of a new world history, the Tarikh-i Alfi or ‘The History of the Millenium’.

71 Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjéh, 146–147Google Scholar.

72 Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjéh, 159–165Google Scholar; Nieuwenhuijze, C.A.O. van, Samsu'l-din van Pasai. Bijdrage tot de kennis derSumatraanse mystiek (Leiden 1945)Google Scholar; Johns, A.H., ‘Islam in Southeast Asia: Problems of Perspective’, Indonesia 19 (1975) 314–320Google Scholar; Azra, Azyumardi, ‘The Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia: Networks of Middle Eastern and Malay-Indonesian. ‘Ulama’ in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’ (unpublished PhD thesis; Columbia University 1992) 346–350Google Scholar.

73 For Raniri and the Aydarusiyya, see Azra, , ‘Transmission’, 355, 368.Google Scholar Cf. Lofgren, O., ‘Aydarus’, The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1 (2nd ed.; Leiden 1986)Google Scholar.

74 Bruinessen, , ‘Origins’, 150–161Google Scholar.

75 Andaya, L.Y., ‘Malay Peninsula, 3: The coming of Islam to the Malay lands’, Encyclopaedia of Islam VI (2nd ed.; Leiden 1991) 235Google Scholar.

76 At Java, militant Muslim revolt was also directed against the syncretic court of the interior (Lombard, Camfour II, 293).

77 Bruinessen, , ‘Origins’, 157–158Google Scholar.

78 Kumar, A., Surapati: Man and Legend. A Study of Three Babad Traditions (Leiden 1976)Google Scholar; Kathirithambi-Wells, J., ‘Ahmad Shah Ibn Iskandar and the Late 17th Century “Holy War” in Indonesia’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 43/1 (1970) 48–63.Google Scholar Cf. Lombard, , Carrefaur, II 118, 292–293.Google Scholar Obviously, they were not so much anti-Dutch as anti the established order.

79 A good survey is still Berg, Van den, Le Hadhramaut, 104–231Google Scholar.

80 A great deal has been written about the Ottoman proclivities of the Acehnese sultans but the relations with the Indian court proved of much greater significance, both in terms of practical assistance as ideological inspiration.