Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gbm5v Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T04:12:10.637Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Party Institutions and Authoritarian Power-Sharing: Evidence from China's Provincial Leader Appointment

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2018

QINGJIE ZENG*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Fudan Universityzqingjie@fudan.edu.cn

Abstract

Recent scholarship of comparative authoritarianism suggests that party institutions contribute to regime resilience by facilitating power-sharing among the party elites and preventing the paramount leaders’ abuse of power that undermines political stability. Existing studies tend to focus on the empirical association between party organizations and regime resilience, whereas the actual effects of institutions on elite behavior receive less attention. This paper conducts an in-depth study of China's appointment system to examine whether the CCP's power-sharing institutions indeed constrain the person- nel authority of the party's paramount leader. Using a unique dataset of provincial leadership appointment from 1992 to 2014, the empirical analysis reveals that the General Secretary enjoys what can be described as ‘constrained supremacy’ in the making of personnel decisions: the leader can boost his own position by providing favorable treatment to key supporters, but the formal arrangement of collective decision-making constrains rampant reward of patronage that would unsettle the balance among the regime's top elites. The findings of the paper lay bare the diffculty of capturing the inner workings of authoritarian politics with broad, cross-national indicators of regime type; they also illustrate the complicated interaction between formal institutions and informal, personal logic of exercising power in authoritarian regimes.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Böröcz, J. (2000), ‘Informality Rules’, East European Politics and Societies, 14 (2): 348–80.Google Scholar
Bratton, M. and Van de Walle, N. (1994), ‘Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa’, World Politics, 46 (04): 453–89.Google Scholar
Bratton, M. and Van de Walle, N. (1997), Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Burns, J.P. (1994), ‘Strengthening Central CCP Control of Leadership Selection: The 1990 Nomenklatura’, The China Quarterly, 138: 458–91.Google Scholar
Chan, H.S. (2004), ‘Cadre Personnel Management in China: The Nomenklatura System, 1990–1998’, The China Quarterly, 179: 703–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cheung, P.T., Chung, J.H., and Lin, Z. (1998), Provincial Strategies of Economic Reform in Post-Mao China: Leadership, Politics, and Implementation, New York: M.E. Sharpe.Google Scholar
Dittmer, L. and Wu, Y.-S. (1995), ‘The Modernization of Factionalism in Chinese Politics’, World Politics, 47 (4): 467–94.Google Scholar
Eaton, S. and Kostka, G. (2014), ‘Authoritarian Environmentalism Undermined? Local Leaders’ Time Horizons and Environmental Policy Implementation in China’, The China Quarterly, 218: 359–80.Google Scholar
Economy, E.C. (2014), ‘China's Imperial President: Xi Jinping Tightens His Grip’, Foreign Affairs, 93: 80.Google Scholar
Engel, U. and Erdmann, G. (2006), ‘Neopatrimonialism Revisited: Beyond a Catch-All Concept’, GIGA Working Paper No. 16, German Institute of Global and Area Studies.Google Scholar
Ewing, R.D. (2003), ‘Hu Jintao: The Making of a Chinese General Secretary’, The China Quarterly, 173: 1734.Google Scholar
Geddes, B. (1999), ‘What Do We Know about Democratization after Twenty Years?’, Annual Review of Political Science, 2 (1): 115–44.Google Scholar
Geddes, B. (2003), Paradigms and Sand Castles: Theory Building and Research Design in Comparative Politics, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Gehlbach, S. and Keefer, P. (2012), ‘Private Investment and the Institutionalization of Collective Action in Autocracies: Ruling Parties and Legislatures’, The Journal of Politics, 74 (02): 621–35.Google Scholar
Grzymala-Busse, A. (2010), ‘The Best Laid Plans: The Impact Of Informal Rules On Formal Institutions In Transitional Regimes’, Studies in Comparative International Development, 45 (3): 311–33.Google Scholar
Helmke, G. and Levitsky, S. (2004), ‘Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A Research Agenda’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (4): 725–40.Google Scholar
Huang, Y. (2002), ‘Managing Chinese Bureaucrats: An Institutional Economics Perspective’, Political studies, 50 (1): 6179.Google Scholar
Keller, F. (2014), ‘Networks of Power: An Informal Network among Chinese Communist Elites 1982–2007’, APSA 2014 Annual Meeting Paper, http://ssrn.com/abstract=2454603, 2007:2014.Google Scholar
Landry, P.F. (2008), Decentralized Authoritarianism in China, New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Li, C. (2002), ‘Hu's Followers: Provincial Leaders with Backgrounds in the Youth League’, China Leadership Monitor, 3: 119.Google Scholar
Li, C. (2004a), ‘Hu's New Deal and the New Provincial Chiefs’, China Leadership Monitor, 10: 1314.Google Scholar
Li, C. (2004b), ‘Political Localism Versus Institutional Restraints: Elite Recruitment in the Jiang Era’, in Naughton, B. and Yang, D. (eds.), Holding China Together: Diversity and National Integration in the Post-Deng Era, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 2969.Google Scholar
Li, C. (2005a), ‘Hu's Policy Shift and the Tuanpai's Coming-of-Age’, China Leadership Monitor, 15 (6): 116.Google Scholar
Li, C. (2005b), ‘One Party, Two Factions: Chinese Bipartisanship in the Making?’, Conference on ‘Chinese Leadership, Politics, and Policy’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.Google Scholar
Li, C. (2008), ‘A Pivotal Stepping Stone: Local Leaders’ Representation on the 17th Central Committee’, China Leadership Monitor, 23: 113.Google Scholar
Li, C. (2014), ‘Xi Jinping's Inner Circle (Part 3: Political Protégés from the Provinces)’, China Leadership Monitor, 45: 118.Google Scholar
Ma, X. (2016), ‘Term Limits and Authoritarian Power-Sharing: Theory and Evidence from China’, Journal of East Asian Studies, 16: 6185.Google Scholar
Magaloni, B. (2008), ‘Credible Power-Sharing and the Longevity of Authoritarian Rule. Comparative Political Studies, 41 (4–5).Google Scholar
Manion, M. (1985), The cadre management system, post-Mao: The appointment, promotion, transfer and removal of party and state leaders. The China Quarterly, 102:203–33.Google Scholar
Manion, M. (2014), Retirement of revolutionaries in China: Public policies, social norms, private interests. Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Miller, A. (2010), Who does Xi Jinping know and how does he know them? China Leadership Monitor, 32:18.Google Scholar
Miller, A. (2011), The politburo standing committee under Hu Jintao. China Leadership Monitor, 35:19.Google Scholar
Mizner, C. (2016), Is China's authoritarianism decaying into personalised rule? East Asia Forum.Google Scholar
Montinola, G., Qian, Y., and Weingast, B.R. (1995), ‘Federalism, Chinese Style: The Political Basis for Economic Success in China’, World Politics, 48 (01): 5081.Google Scholar
Morse, Y.L. (2015), ‘From Single-Party to Electoral Authoritarian Regimes: The Institutional Origins of Competitiveness in Post-Cold War Africa’, Comparative Politics, 48 (1): 126–51.Google Scholar
Nathan, A.J. (1973), ‘A Factionalism Model for CCP Politics’, China Quarterly, 53: 3366.Google Scholar
Nathan, A.J. and Gilley, B. (2003), China's New Rulers: The Secret files, by Nathan, Andrew J. and Gilley, Bruce, New York: The New York Review of Books.Google Scholar
Oi, J.C. (1992), ‘Fiscal Reform And The Economic Foundations of Local State Corporatism in China’, World Politics, 45 (1): 99126.Google Scholar
Pepinsky, T. (2014), ‘The Institutional Turn in Comparative Authoritarianism’, British Journal of Political Science, 44 (3): 631–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Scott, J.C. (1972), Comparative Political Corruption, Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.Google Scholar
Shih, V., Adolph, C., and Liu, M. (2012), ‘Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining The Advancement Of Central Committee Members in China’, American Political Science Review, 106 (1): 166–87.Google Scholar
Shih, V., Shan, W., and Liu, M. (2010), ‘Gauging the Elite Political Equilibrium in the CCP: A Quantitative Approach Using Biographical Data’, The China Quarterly, 201: 79103.Google Scholar
Shirk, S.L. (1993), The Political Logic of Economic Reform in China, vol. 24, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Slater, D. (2003), ‘Iron Cage in an Iron Fist: Authoritarian Institutions and the Personalization of Power in Malaysia’, Comparative Politics, 36 (1): 81101.Google Scholar
Snyder, R. (1992), ‘Explaining Transitions from Neopatrimonial Dictatorships’, Comparative Politics, 30 (3): 379–99.Google Scholar
Su, F. and Yang, D.L. (2000), ‘Political Institutions, Provincial Interests, and Resource Allocation in Reformist China’, Journal of Contemporary China, 9 (24): 215–30.Google Scholar
Svolik, M.W. (2012), The Politics of Authoritarian Rule, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
von Soest, C. (2010), ‘What Neopatrimonialism Is: Six Questions to the Concept’, in GIGA-Workshop Neopatrimonialism in Various World Regions, Hamburg: GIGA German In-stitute of Global and Area Studies.Google Scholar
Wang, Z. (2006), ‘Hu Jintao's Power Consolidation: Groups, Institutions, and Power Balance In China's Elite Politics’, Issues and Studies-English Edition, 42 (4): 97.Google Scholar