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BODY, POWER AND SACRIFICE IN EQUATORIAL AFRICA

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 July 2006

FLORENCE BERNAULT
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin-Madison

Abstract

This article revisits the trope of the traffic in body parts in colonial and postcolonial Equatorial Africa. Current analyses, mostly written by anthropologists and sociologists, explain these rumors by the destructive integration of Africa in the world's economy and the commodification of the human body. While acknowledging their fertility, I argue that these approaches fail to understand how, during the colonial era, Europeans and Africans participated in the re-enchanting of the human body. The first part of the article examines Equatorial African conceptions of the body as central in the crafting of power and social reproduction, and reconstructs how these views were disturbed by colonial intrusion. The second part turns to European discourses and suggests that the colonial situation revealed significant contradictions in the western fiction of a modern disconnect between the body and power. The series of political and moral transgressions triggered by the conquest made apparent how Europeans themselves envisioned political survival as a form of positive exchange revolving around the body-fetish. The third section puts these ideas to the test of funeral practices to show how, in the colony, black and white bodies became re-sacralized as political resources. Building on these findings, the conclusion questions anthropologists' and historians' tendency to draw epistemic boundaries between western and African imaginaries.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© 2006 Cambridge University Press

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Footnotes

I wish to thank Jan Vansina, Phyllis Martin and Peter Geschiere for their reading of earlier versions of this article. I am still struggling to find answers to their provocative questions, as well as to the comments sent by Journal of African History anonymous readers. Long conversations with colleagues in Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville, particularly with Joseph Tonda, have been key to elaborating this article. The African studies program at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, the Department of History and Africana studies at Florida International University, the Zentrum für Afrikastudien at the University of Basel and the African history seminar at the School of Oriental and African Studies have invited me to present talks that have helped me to refine my hypotheses. The book project on which this paper is based was supported by a John Simon Guggenheim Fellowship in 2001–2.