Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
The paper puts forward a new interpretation of aspects of the early history of the East African coast, and in particular maintains that the immigration of the ‘Shirazi’ took place some zoo years later than the date in the latter part of the tenth century which has hitherto been accepted.
After a brief summary of the Arabic sources bearing on the history of the coast, and of the received history of Kilwa before the beginning of the fourteenth century, the two versions of the Kilwa Chronicle are examined. The Arabic version is concluded to be more reliable than the Portuguese, though very little reliance should be placed on the regnal years of the sultans as given in either.
The archaeological evidence, based chiefly on recent excavations at Kilwa, is examined, with particular reference to the coins minted on the coast. Certain types of these coins are found to have been hitherto wrongly attributed, notably those of 'Ali bin al-Hasan, which are shown to be the earliest.
An outline of the history of the coast is presented, based on the combined historical and archaeological evidence. No satisfactorily attested relics of the period of trade with the Graeco-Roman world have yet been found. The earliest settlements discovered date from the eighth to ninth century A.O., most or all of which were probably pagan, but already trading with the Muslim world. By about i ioo there were several Muslim towns on the coast. This period is related to the Debuli of the traditions.
The arrival of the ‘Shirazi’ is related to the appearance of coins of 'Au bin al-Hasan, who is identified with the first ruler of the ‘Shirazi’ dynasty at Kilwa (about A.0. I 200); Mafia was of equal importance at this time. A marked cultural break in the latter part of the thirteenth or early fourteenth century is thought to be related to a change in dynasty at Kilwa, a fresh settlement of immigrants, and the gaining of control of Sofala and the gold trade.
It is suggested that the Shirazi settlement consisted not of a migration of people from the Persian Gulf direct to Kilwa and other places, but rather a movement of settlers from the Banadir coast.
1 I have already to thank Messrs Freeman-Grenville, G. S. P., Kirkman, J. S., Trimingham, J. S. and Schacht, J., and MissMitchell, Helen for valuable comments on the substance of this article.Google Scholar
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5 Walker, J., ‘History and Coinage of the Sultans of Kilwa’, Numismatic Chronicle, Ser. V, XVI, 1936,Google Scholar reprinted Tanganyika Notes and Records, No. 45, pp. 33–58; the reprint is referred to below. Also Sir Gray, J. M., ‘A History of Kilwa’: Part I, T.N.R., No. 31, 1951; Part II, T.N.R., No. 32, 1952.Google Scholar
6 Freeman-Grenville suggests this is an error for Mombasa, but this is not proven. Mafia is an island some eighty miles north of Kilwa.Google Scholar
7 Dec. 1, Book VIII. Chapter IV, set out in Freeman-Grenville, op. Cit. 31.Google Scholar
8 Ibid. 88.
9 Ibid. 88.
10 Cf. the fifth sultan, Hocein Soleiman=a1-Hasan bin Sulaiman.Google Scholar
11 Freeman-Grenville, op. cit. 91–2.Google Scholar
12 Freeman-Grenville, op. cit. 51; the supposed lacuna is from the ninth to the seventeenth (not sixteenth) sultan. The coins mentioned in the note, loc. cit., will be referred to below.Google Scholar
13 Cf. Gibb, H. A. R., The Travels of Ibn Battuta, II, C.U.P., 1962, 380–2.Google Scholar
14 Mr Kirkman has suggested that these two sultans, together with the father (no. 9) of the first, constitute a separate dynasty, and it is possible, though I think unlikely, that this is the case.Google Scholar
15 Walker, loc cit. 48–9.Google Scholar
16 In passing, these are two of the three reigns before about A.D. 1300 concerning the lengths of which the two Chronicles agree—forty and eighteen Islamic years respectively. But I am suspicious of the former figure, which recurs, together with fourteen; though the evidence of coins, which is summarized below, suggests that he did have a long reign. On the other hand, the extreme rarity of the coins of al-Hasan bin Talut would, on the same analogy, suggest his reign was very short.Google Scholar
17 Freeman-Grenville (op. cit. 61) takes ‘third century’ as meaning that which followed A.H. 300, but I do not think that without other evidence this interpretation is acceptable.Google Scholar
18 The best authenticated find was made near Tanga in 1896 and has rested in the Museum für Völkerkunde ever since. This group of six coins, which it is hoped to publish shortly, includes one each of the Roman Emperors Carus and Constans, but as it comprises also a coin which is probably Fatimid, the hoard can hardly date before the eleventh century.Google Scholar
19 The coin is described in a letter published in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, VIII, lxxxiii, for which reference I am greatly indebted to Sir John Gray.Google Scholar
20 I believe this is the site of Shanga, the inhabitants of which conquered Kilwa shortly after the beginning of the ‘Shirazi’ dynasty: see Ann. Rept. Brit. Inst. Hut. Arch. E. Afr., 1963–1904, pp. 5–6. The only plausible alternative is the Shanga on Pate Island, which seems altogether too distant. The sites on Songo (Songo Mnara) Island are too late in date to be eligible.Google Scholar
21 Walker, op. cit. Type XII.Google Scholar
22 Such minarets are not found south of the Banadir coast. The inscriptions are published in Cerulli, E., Somalia, 1, Roma, 1957 2–10.Google Scholar
23 J.A.H., iv, 2 (1963), 182–4. Some of the conclusions there drawn are, in the light of recent discoveries, now somewhat modified, as will be seen.Google Scholar
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26 Some confusion arises from the fact that some authorities date the Islamic wares a half-century or more earlier than the Chinese wares with which they are found.Google Scholar
27 Indeed this can lead to confusion: re-examination after further cleaning of the four coins found in the small well in Husuni Kubwa (Chittick, loc. Cit. 132–4) has shown that while three are of Sulaiman bin al-Hasan, one is of al-Hasan bin Sulaiman. The Frenchman, Morice, was informed that a building apparently to be identified with Husuni Kubwa was built 963 years before his visit in 1777 (see Gray, J., ‘The French at Kilwa’, T.N.R., No. 4, 1956, p. 29), but such a date is virtually impossible to reconcile with the evidence of pottery and inscriptions found since 1961.Google Scholar
28 I am indebted for this reading to Miss Helen Mitchell, who points Out that the coins are modelled on those of the Mamluk sultan al-Nāsir Nāsir al-Din Muhammad, who ruled (with interruptions) A.D. 1293–1340.Google Scholar The coins are referred to by Walker, op. cit. 58.Google Scholar
29 Except at the Husunis, where these coins are lacking in the file and finds of any sort are few, most of the volume of material excavated has been from these upper levels.Google Scholar
30 Walker, op. cit. 50–1.Google Scholar
31 Including Kua, Songo Songo, Songo Mnara and Mtandura, the last a new site, on the mainland about nine miles south of Kilwa.Google Scholar
32 Freeman-Grenville, , ‘Coinage in East Africa before Medieval Times’, Num. Chron., Sixth Series, XVII, 176, Table I, reprinted in Medieval History, Table I. However, original publication in Num. Chron., 1954,Google Scholar reprinted T.N.R., No. 4, 1956, p. 2, lists what is apparently this coin as of Sulaiman ibn al-Hasan.Google Scholar
33 Though there would certainly seem to have been a ruler of this name—no. 26 in Portuguese version, of which no. 27 is probably a duplication, or vice versa; the Arabic version only makes sense on the basis that a Sultan, named Sulaiman, has been omitted here. In passing, the regnal years of nos. 25 to 27 as given in the two versions further exemplify confusions that have arisen.Google Scholar
34 Freeman-Grenville, Medieval History, Table III.Google Scholar
35 Ibid. p. 177.
36 In addition, the name of the late fifteenth-century sultan was properly 'Ali bin al-Khatib al-Hasan. The ‘title’ al-Khatib [= preacher] does not appear on the coins, though this is only slight evidence against the ascription, for it might well be omitted.Google Scholar
37 See Chittick, H. N., ‘Notes on Kilwa’, T.N.R., No. 53, 1959, p. 93n. Since then, this name has been independently and without prompting confirmed by another of the elders of the island.Google Scholar
38 An account of the site and earlier excavations there is given in Chittick, H. N., Kisimani Mafia, Occ. Paper I, Antiquities Div., Tanganyika Govt., 1961.Google Scholar
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40 Summarized in Oliver, R. and Mathew, G., History of East Africa, pp. 102–4, and bibliography.Google Scholar
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43 Though the first ruler set on the throne by the Portuguese was named Muhammad ibn Rukn ad-Din ad-Dabuli, this surname may well derive from very long before he lived—cf. families with the names ash-Shirazi and al-Barawi at the present day.Google Scholar
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46 As first ascribed by Walker, loc. cit. 54. He argues that there cannot be coins of an earlier ruler of the same name owing to the occurrence on many of them of the phrase , ‘may his victory be glorious’, a phrase which, he states, occurs for the first time on a coin of the Egyptian Mamluk sultan al-Mansur in AD. 1377. Miss Mitchell, however, observes that the phrase occurs on coins of Aleppo dated A.H. 717 (AD. 1317), citing Balog, (Coinage of Manluke Sultans, American Numismatic Society, Numismatic Studies 12, 162).Google Scholar Walker also puts forward the argument that since coins of al-Hasan bin Sulaiman predominate in the two ‘hoards’ which he examines, they are likely to be the latest. This would be valid if they really were hoards, but this seems very doubtful in the case of the first, which was found lying about in the German post at Kilindoni in Mafia when it was captured by British troops in 1915; if the second really is a hoard, it would have been made in the time of ‘Nsra al-Dunya’, the commonest and latest type of coin included. The percentage of coins of al-Hasan bin Sulaiman in both collections is well within the range of a random sample.
47 See above, p. 280.Google Scholar
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49 When Ibn Battuta visited Mombasa it was evidently a lesser place than Kitwa. But al-Idrisi, in the twelfth century, mentions it as the place where the King of Zanj resides, though its importance at this time remains unconfirmed by material remains. One wonders whether the word in the Idrisi's text might have been corrupted from Manfia, one of the ways of spelling the name of Mafia in the Arabic Chronicle.Google Scholar
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