Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-hc48f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T18:39:40.942Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Wealth in People, Wealth in Things – Introduction*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Jane I. Guyer
Affiliation:
Northwestern University

Extract

One of the guiding lodestones for social theorists and social historians across the entire theoretical spectrum has been ‘wealth’: the things people imbue with value, the caches they collect up by every means from prestation to predation, the performative displays they orchestrate, the treasures they store and eventually leave behind, and all the complex cultural constructions whereby such things are counted, praised and imagined as sources and instruments of power. Perhaps no other topic excites comparably and recurrently fresh interest, from the Marxian framework of capital to Veblen's ‘conspicuous consumption’, Schama's ‘embarrassment of riches’, Appadurai's ‘tournaments of value’ and Weiner's ‘dense objects’.

Type
Wealth in People, Wealth in Things
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Veblen, T., The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study in the Evolution of Institutions (New York, 1899)Google Scholar; Schama, S., The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (New York, 1987)Google Scholar; Appadurai, A., ‘Introduction: commodities and the politics of value’, in his (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weiner, A., ‘Cultural difference and the density of objects’, American Ethnologist, XXI (1994), 291403.Google Scholar

2 Rodney, W., How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London, 1972).Google Scholar

3 An example of a collector's brush with the extremely high currency value of fetishes is described briefly in Guyer, J. I., ‘Wealth in people and self-realization in Equatorial Africa’, Man, XXVIII (1993), 250–1Google Scholar. During the period when George Harley was acquiring his famous collection of Dan masks and material culture for the Peabody Museum at Harvard University he had to emphasize in a letter to Dr E. Hooten, the museum director, that ‘the articles of greatest value and rarity are the pottery whistles used by the head of the Poro…’. The transaction he describes for their acquisition makes very clear the utter incommensurability of the value of the objects and a single monetary register, in both systems of value. Papers of the Harley Collection, Harvard University: letter from Harley, George to Hooten, E., 13 09 1932Google Scholar, Document File 30–6. I am grateful to Kathleen Skelly and the former director of the museum, Karl Lamberg-Karlovsky, for access to these documents.

4 The concept is reviewed in Guyer, J. I. and Belinga, S. M. Eno, ‘Wealth in people as wealth in knowledge’, which follows.Google Scholar

5 The most recent anthropological contributions are based on twentieth-century wealth dynamics in Southern Africa, rather than the centuries-long and continuing interface that characterises West and Equatorial Africa. See Comaroff, J. and Comaroff, J. L., ‘Goodly beasts and beastly goods: cattle and commodities in a South African context’, American Ethnologist, XVII (1990), 195216Google Scholar; Ferguson, J., ‘The cultural topography of wealth: commodity paths and the structure of wealth in rural Lesotho’, American Anthropologist, LXXXXIV (1992), 5573.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Bohannan, P., ‘Some principles of exchange and investment among the Tiv’, American Anthropologist, LVII (1955), 6070.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Douglas, M. T., ‘Primitive rationing: a study in controlled exchange’, in Firth, R. (ed.), Themes in Economic Anthropology (London, 1967), 119–47.Google Scholar

8 de Maret, P., ‘L'évolution monétaire du Shaba Central entre le 7e et le 18e siècle’, African Economic History, X (1981), 117–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 Schoonheyt, J. A., ‘Les croisettes du Katanga’, Revue Belge de Numismatique, CXXXVII (1991), 141–57.Google Scholar

10 Curtin, P., ‘Africa and the wider monetary world, 1250–1850’, in Richards, J. F. (ed.), Silver and Gold Flows in the Medieval and Early Modern Worlds (Chapel Hill, 1981), 231–68.Google Scholar

11 Iroko, A. F., ‘Les cauris en Afrique Occidentale du Xe au XXe siecle’ (Thèse d'État, Université de Paris, 1987).Google Scholar

12 Rivallain, J., ‘Étude comparée des phénomènes prémonétaires en protohistoire européenne et en ethnoarchéologie africaine’ (Thèse d'État, Université de Paris, 1987).Google Scholar

13 My introduction to an edited collection on the history of money in West African communities includes some of the sources. Guyer, J. I., ‘Introduction: the currency interface and its dynamics’, in Guyer, (ed.), Money Matters! Instability, Values and Social Payments in the Modern History of West African Communities (Portsmouth NH, 1995) 133.Google Scholar

14 Warnier, J.-P. and Fowler, I., ‘A nineteenth-century Ruhr in Central Africa’, Africa, IL (1979), 329–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 Herbert, E. W., Red Gold of Africa: Copper in Precolonial History and Culture (Madison, 1984), 181.Google Scholar

16 Hogendorn, J. and Johnson, M., The Shell Money of the Slave Trade (Cambridge, 1986), 75–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17 Dorward, D. C., ‘An unknown Nigerian export: Tiv benniseed production, 1900–1960’, J. Afr. Hist., XVI (1975), 438Google Scholar; Dorward, , ‘Precolonial Tiv trade and cloth currency’, Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies, IX (1976), 576–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Johnson, M., ‘Cloth currency’ (Paper presented to the African Studies Association Meetings, 1977).Google Scholar

18 Meillassoux, C., ‘Essai d'interpretation du phenomène économique dans les sociétés traditionelles d'autosubsistance’, Cah. Ét. Afr., IV (1960), 3867.Google Scholar

19 Miers, S. and Kopytoff, I. (eds.), Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives (Madison, 1977).Google Scholar

20 Examples include Vansina: ‘after centuries of trading…. Whenever possible, wealth in goods was still converted into followers’, Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa (Madison, 1990), 251Google Scholar; Miller, : ‘A wealthy man increased productivity by organizing and controlling people… (by) aggregating human dependents’, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade 1730–1830 (Madison, 1988), 43Google Scholar. In a modern context, and writing of contemporary ‘prebendalism’ at the state level in Nigeria, Joseph invoked Peel's analysis of clientelism in late nineteenth-century Ilesha to clarify a persistent ‘political rationality or logic’; Joseph, R. A., Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria (Cambridge, 1987), 198Google Scholar; Peel, J. D. Y., Ijeshas and Nigerians: The Incorporation of a Yoruba Kingdom, 1890s –1970s (Cambridge, 1983)Google Scholar. Berry develops the idea of investment in social relations as a persistent, even while changing, characteristic of African resource control, Berry, S., ‘Social institutions and access to resources’, Africa, LIX (1989), 4155.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 Curtin, P., Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison, 1975).Google Scholar

22 Law, R., ‘Computing domestic prices in precolonial west Africa: a methodological exercise from the slave coast’, History in Africa, XVIII (1991), 239–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Johnson, M., ‘The ounce in eighteenth-century west African trade’, J. Afr. Hist., VII (1966), 197214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24 Fardon, R., ‘Sisters, wives, wards and daughters: a transformational analysis of the political organisation of the Tiv and their neighbours. Part I: The Tiv’, Africa, LIV (1984), 221CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Sisters, wives, wards and daughters: a transformational analysis of the political organisation of the Tiv and their neighbours. Part II: The transformations’, Africa, LV (1985), 7791.Google Scholar

25 Janzen, J. M., Lemba, 1650–1930: A Drum of Affliction in Africa and the New World (New York, 1982).Google Scholar

26 Again, the sources are many and stem from a much more long-standing literature on ‘The Gift’, initiated by Mauss. But they include Gregory, C. A., Gifts and Commodities (London, 1982)Google Scholar; Munn, N., The Fame of Gawa: A Symbolic Study of Value Transformation in a Massim (Papua New Guinea) Society (Cambridge 1986)Google Scholar; Strathern, M., The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia (Berkeley, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thomas, N., Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific (Cambridge MA, 1991)Google Scholar. For a longer summary and application to Equatorial Africa see Guyer, , ‘Self-realization’.Google Scholar

27 MacGaffey, W., ‘The eyes of understanding’, in MacGaffey, W. and Harris, M. D., Astonishment and Power: Kongo Minkisi and the Art of Rene Stout (Washington DC, 1993), 80, my insertion.Google Scholar

28 Hallen, B. and Sodipo, J. O., Knowledge, Belief and Witchcraft: Analytic Experiments in African Philosophy (London, 1986).Google Scholar

29 Julien, E., African Novels and the Question of Orality (Bloomington, 1992).Google Scholar

30 Manfredi, V., Personal Communication on ‘Wealth’ in the Igbo Language (Boston MA, 1993)Google Scholar; he quotes from Anoka, G. M. K., ‘The verb meaning “to buy” in Igbo’ (M. A. thesis, University of Leeds, 1972).Google Scholar

31 Onwuejeogwu, M. A., An Igbo Civilization: Nri Kingdom and Hegemony (London, 1981), 4950.Google Scholar

32 Although see Thomas, , Entangled Objects, for a major exception.Google Scholar

33 Iroko, , ‘Les cauris’, 465.Google Scholar

34 McCaskie, T. C., ‘Accumulation: wealth and belief in Asante history: I: To the close of the nineteenth century’, Africa, LIII (1983), 2343CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Accumulation: wealth and belief in Asante history: II: The twentieth century’, Africa, LVI (1986), 324.Google Scholar

35 Vansina, , Paths.Google Scholar

36 Martin, P., ‘Power, cloth and currency on the Loango Coast’, African Economic History, XV (1987), 112.Google Scholar

37 Henderson, R. N., The King In Every Man: Evolutionary Trends in Onitsha Ibo Society and Culture (New Haven, 1972).Google Scholar

38 Fernandez, J. W., Bwiti: An Ethnography of the Religious Imagination in Africa (Princeton, 1982).Google Scholar

39 Miller, J. C., ‘Imbangala lineage slavery (Angola)’, in Miers, S. and Kopytoff, I. (eds.), Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives (Madison, 1977).Google Scholar

40 Colson, E., Marriage and the Family among the Plateau Tonga of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1958).Google Scholar

41 Papers presented at the Symposium on ‘Wealth in people, Wealth in Things’, cochaired by Guyer, J. I. and Mbembe, A.: Cooper, B., ‘Women's worth and wedding gift exchange in Maradi, Niger, 1907–1989’Google Scholar; Piot, C., ‘From slave to gift: slave as gift?’Google Scholar; Mandala, E., ‘Malawian elders in pursuit of the cotton cloth, 1860–1940’.Google Scholar

42 Symposium paper by Geschiere, P. and Fisiy, C., ‘Sorcery discourses and the valuation of people and things: examples from south and west Cameroon’.Google Scholar

43 Schildkrout, Enid and Guyer, Jane I., ‘The value of people and objects in Equatorial Africa: an exploration of sources’.Google Scholar

44 Rodney, , How Europe Underdeveloped AfricaGoogle Scholar; Dupré, G. and Rey, P.-P., ‘Reflections on the pertinence of a theory of the history of exchange’ (1968), translated in Wolpe, H. (ed.), The Articulation of Modes of Production: Essays from Economy and Society (London, 1980), 128–60.Google Scholar