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Evangelicals, Whigs and the Election of William Henry Harrison
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2009
Extract
Few American presidential elections have engaged the passions of contemporaries or exercised the imaginations of later generations more than the ‘log cabin’ campaign of 1840. By their parades, slogans, symbols and songs party managers deliberately played down questions of public policy likely to divide their ranks, reasoned discussion was overwhelmed by an organized torrent of feeling, and the carefully cultivated images of candidates obscured the reality of their outlooks. Unscrupulous propagandists, especially of the Whig party, undoubtedly manipulated the emotions of the electorate. The excitement carried a massive 80·2 per cent of voters to the polls, a huge increase in turnout over previous presidential elections and a level of participation exceeded in no subsequent campaign. William Henry Harrison was indeed, as Philip Hone put it, ‘sung into the Presidency’
Yet style alone did not create the passion. The economic distress consequent upon the Panic of 1837 allowed the Whigs to act as a focus for those who blamed the Democrats for the hard times and who looked for a more vigorous stimulus to capitalist development than Martin Van Buren was likely to provide.
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References
Richard Carwardine is Lecturer in American History at the University of Sheffield, Sheffield Sio 2TN. He wishes to thank the British Academy and the University of Sheffield Research Fund for financial assistance in the preparation of this essay.
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2 The classic statement of the view that socio-economic questions lay at the heart of the Democratic–Whig divide is Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr, The Age of Jackson (Boston, 1945)Google Scholar. The ‘ethnocultural’ approaches to the Jacksonian period, most particularly Benson, Lee, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton, 1961)Google Scholar, and Formisano, Ronald P., The Birth of Mass Political Parties: Michigan 1827–1861 (Princeton, 1971)Google Scholar, argue conversely that voting behaviour was determined principally by loyalty to ethnic and religious groups and that the socio-economic rhetoric of politicians and policy-makers scarcely influenced the electorate at large. That socioeconomic interests, couched in terms of the economic experience and needs of communities rather than classes, did have a considerable influence on voting patterns is the persuasively argued thesis of Ratcliffe, Donald J., ‘Politics in Jacksonian Ohio: Reflections on the Ethnocultural Interpretation,’ Ohio History, 88 (1979), 5–36Google Scholar. In order to square an ethnocultural analysis of voting behaviour with party leaders' attention to banking and other economic issues in their political rhetoric, Shade, William G., Banks or No Banks: The Money Issue in Western Politics 1832–1865 (Detroit, 1972), pp. 18–19, 173–4, 253Google Scholar, offers a cultural explanation of economic conflict. The present essay, though drawing on many of the insights of the ethnoculruralists, is not intended as a vindication of that school, some of whose shortcomings are identified in McCormick, Richard L., ‘Ethno-Cultural Interpretations of Nineteenth-Century American Voting Behaviour’, Political Science Quarterly, 89 (1974), 351–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and in Latner, Richard B. and Levine, Peter, ‘Perspectives on Antebellum Pietistic Politics’, Reviews in American History, 4 (1976), 15–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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6 I use the term ‘evangelical’ to refer to those whose Christianity impelled them to seek the conversion or the regeneration through grace of themselves and their fellow men. In addition to those denominations whose guiding theological principles were uncompromisingly evangelical – Methodists and New School Calvinists in particular – other bodies, including the Episcopalian and Unitarian churches, contained men and women of this outlook. My definition is much broader than Formisano's, who curiously omits from the fold the largest denomination of all, the Methodists. In referring to an evangelical ‘community’ I do not mean to imply an absence of tension between and within evangelical denominations: poisonous ecclesiastical and theological conflicts were a feature of the age. Rather I am arguing that the preoccupations of these groups acted as a centripetal force in conditioning their response to secular events. A degree of concurrence in political philosophy across the denominational divide is a premise of Hood, Fred J., Reformed America: The Middle and Southern States, 1783–1837 (Alabama, 1980)Google Scholar.
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26 Moore, p. 16. Heale, , Presidential Quest, especially pp. 224–28Google Scholar, discusses the perceived fragility of republican forms.
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29 Van Nest, Abraham R., Memoir of Rev. Geo. W. Bethune, D. D. (New York, 1867), p. 125Google Scholar; Wheeler, pp. 3–4, 21–23. Amongst many other examples, see Edwards, Tryon, God's Voice to the Nation… (Rochester, 1841), p. 8Google Scholar; Dwight, William T., ‘A Great Man Fallen’ … (Portland, Me, 1841), pp. 6–11Google Scholar.
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