Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 December 2012
1 From 5 shillings a gallon to 20 shillings. I use the term “gin” in the sense contemporaries used it: to denote cheap spirits distilled from domestic grain.
2 The Excise Scheme is the subject of several outstanding studies, including Turner, Raymond, “The Excise Scheme of 1733,” English Historical Review 42 (1927), 34–57Google Scholar; Langford, Paul, The Excise Crisis: Society and Politics in the Age of Walpole (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar; Hausman, William J. and Neufeld, John L., “Excise Anatomized: The Political Economy of Walpole's 1733 Tax Scheme,” Journal of European Economic History 10, no. 1 (1981): 131–43Google Scholar; and Price, Jacob M., “The Excise Crisis Revisited: The Administrative and Colonial Dimensions of a Parliamentary Crisis,” in England's Rise to Greatness, 1660–1763, ed. Stephen B. Baxter (Berkeley, 1983), 257–321Google Scholar.
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18 A Modest Plea for the British Distillery (London, 1726), 18. Defoe, Daniel gives the same figure in A Brief Case of the Distillers, and of the Distilling Trade in England (London, 1726), 3.Google Scholar
19 The Case of the Master, Wardens and Company of Distillers of London (London[?], 1729), 2; An Impartial Enquiry into the Present State of the British Distillery (London, 1736), 16.
20 A quarter was the equivalent of eight bushels.
21 Defoe, Brief Case of the Distillers, 19.
22 Case of the Distillers Company, no pagination.
23 The Case of the Malt Distillers, &c (London[?], 1736), no pagination.
24 The Consequences of Laying an Additional Duty on Spirituous Liquors, Candidly Considered (London, 1751), 3.
25 Defoe, Daniel, “Self Murder: Royal Gin Recommended. A Satire,” in Daniel Defoe: His Life, and Recently Discovered Writings, ed. William Lee (New York, 1969), 450–52, and The History and Remarkable Life of the Truly Honourable Col. Jacque, ed. Monk, Samuel Holt (Oxford, 1989), 240Google Scholar.
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31 The company did, however, also pay for printed copies of the solicitations and accounts it submitted to Parliament, as noted in its journal entry for 9 July 1751.
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53 Innes, “Power and Happiness,” 121, 123–24.
54 Jeffrey M. N. Boss, “A Collection of Some Observations on Bills of Mortality & Parish Registers: An Unpublished Manuscript by Stephen Hales, F.R.S. (1677–1761),” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 32, no. 2 (1978): 133.
55 A Dissertation upon Drunkenness (London, 1727), 8; “Considerations on Distilling, Husbandry, Trade, & c.,” as quoted in Gentleman's Magazine, February 1732, 603; Gentleman's Magazine, October 1736, 594; Daily Gazetteer, 18 September 1736, 2; Wilson, Thomas, Distilled Spirituous Liquors the Bane of the Nation, 2nd ed. (London, 1736), 16Google Scholar.
56 In 1736, e.g., the justices of Middlesex arranged for their report to be published in the Daily Advertiser and the London Evening News, as noted in their sessions books for that January. Several other periodicals then ran the report, including the Norwich Mercury, the Daily Gazetteer, Read's Weekly Journal, the Old Whig, and the London Magazine.
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60 Brewer, Sinews of Power, 81.
61 Linnell, Diaries of Thomas Wilson, 16 January 1736; 20 January 1736.
62 London Metropolitan Archives, Journal of the Court of the London Company of Distillers, 30 May 1729, 1 November 1736, 7 April 1747; London Evening-Post, 16–19 March 1751, 1.
63 Wilson, Distilled Spirituous Liquors the Bane of the Nation, 44.
64 This is the observation of the anonymous author of An Impartial Enquiry into the Present State of the British Distillery, 39.
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69 Most notably the notorious trading justice Thomas De Veil, who for two years, from 1736 until 1738, plied London's newspapers with the names of the gin sellers he convicted.
70 This is consistent with a sharp falling off in the social standing of the metropolis's constables, as noted by Beattie, John in Policing and Punishment in London, 1660–1750: Urban Crime and the Limits of Terror (Oxford, 2001), 149–50Google Scholar. Alehouse keepers were allowed to serve as constables up until 1823, for which see Clark, Peter, The English Alehouse: A Social History, 1200–1830 (New York, 1983), 259Google Scholar. Additional background is available in Shoemaker, Robert, Prosecution and Punishment: Petty Crime and the Law in London and Rural Middlesex, c. 1660–1725 (Cambridge, 1991), 221–23Google Scholar.
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74 Croker, Memoirs of the Reign of King George II, 1:373–74.
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76 The most notable being Cheyne's, George hugely popular Essay of Health and Long Life (London, 1724)Google Scholar. Background is provided in Porter, Roy, “The Drinking Man's Disease: The ‘Pre-history' of Alcoholism in Georgian Britain,” British Journal of Addiction 80, no. 4 (1985): 385–96Google Scholar.
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88 Maitland’s abhorrence of gin is on display in his History and Survey of London, most notably when he writes about the year 1736: “At this Time the drinking of Spirituous Liquors was become so excessive among the inferior Sort of People in this City and Suburbs, that many thereof not only destroyed themselves thereby, but the Constitution and Health of others were so debilitated, as to endanger the Loss of a great Part of the Human Species” (1:567).
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93 London Magazine, February 1751, 91. It was also sold at a discount (of a half-guinea for twenty-five copies, as noted in Harris, Politics and the Nation, 297–98.
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106 Maddox, Epistle to the Right Honourable the Lord-Mayor, 8.
107 Anonymous, A Supplement to the Impartial Enquiry into the Present State of the British Distillery, 4.
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