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“To Omit the Precise Rule and Strayt Observacion”: The 1572 “Bill Concerning Rites and Ceremonies” and the Campaign for Liturgical Diversity in the Elizabethan Church

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 January 2020

Abstract

The focus on the rise and stall of English Presbyterianism has obscured other attempts by politically active puritans to address the problems that bedeviled the Elizabethan church—in particular, how to reconcile a promiscuously international reform movement with the reality of a national church, and the desire for parish-level autonomy with royal supremacy and statutorily mandated uniformity of practice. This article takes as its subject one such attempt, the remarkable “Bill Concerning Rites and Ceremonies” introduced in the 1572 Parliament, which leveraged the episcopal structure of the church to the advantage of the godly, empowering bishops to grant individual priests the right to diverge from the Book of Common Prayer liturgy and to adopt elements of the rituals used by the French and Dutch “stranger churches” then worshipping in London. The bill's emergence at a very specific juncture, after the statutory confirmation of the Thirty-Nine Articles in 1571, illustrates how godly Protestants sought to use newly ratified regulatory powers to their advantage and to establish that only theological, not liturgical, uniformity mattered for a functional and true national church. Moreover, the bill was legally innovative, proposing to use episcopal power in disaggregated ways, thus institutionalizing the exceptions in worship that individual bishops had informally granted to the ministers under their supervision. It offered a remarkable vision of a national church that contained within it ad hoc and multinational liturgies and that was defined not by its adherence to one form of worship but by the supervision of an enlightened bishopric.

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Original Manuscript
Copyright
Copyright © The North American Conference on British Studies 2020

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References

1 The National Archives (hereafter TNA), “Bill for Rites and Ceremonies of the Church,” 20 May 1572, State Papers (SP) 12/86, fols. 198v–199r (described below as Copy A). A second copy, referred to here as Copy B, contains an alteration in the second provision, from requiring only the consent of “the bishops of that dioces” to that “of the most part of Bishopps of this Realme.” This is TNA, SP 12/86, fols. 200r–201v. A substantially revised second version of the bill (referred to as Copy C) is catalogued as TNA, “Bill (Nova) for permitting alterations in the Celebration of Divine Service,” 21 May 1572, SP 12/86, fols. 206r–215r. Reprints of the bill (comparing Copy A and Copy C) can be found in Puritan Manifestoes: A Study of the Origin of the Puritan Revolt, ed. Frere, W. H. and Douglas, C. E. (London, 1954), 149–51Google Scholar.

2 TNA, “Bill for Rites and Ceremonies of the Church,” SP 12/86, fols. 198v–199r.

3 TNA, “Robert Bell to Lord Burghley,” 20 May 1572, SP 12/86, fol. 204r; Thomas Cromwell's journal is reprinted as Thomas Cromwell's Journal, 8 May–20 June,” in Proceedings in the Parliaments of Elizabeth I, vol. 1, 1558–1581, ed. Hartley, T. E. (Leicester, 1981), 336418Google Scholar.

4 “Thomas Cromwell's Journal, 8 May–20 June,” 369.

5 A list of the twelve members of the committee is included with both Copy A and Copy B. These men were (1) Sir Francis Knollys, an experienced manager of royal business in the Commons; (2) Sir Thomas Scott, a relation of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester; (3) George Bromley, Attorney of the Duchy; (4) John Popham, the future solicitor general; (5) Christopher Yelverton, at this point sill a bold advocate for Puritan causes; (6) Nicholas St. Leger, who expressed hope on 22 May that the queen would not engage in “scanning of words” but pay attention only to “the meaning of the bill” (“Thomas Cromwell's Journal, 8 May–20 June,” 372); and (7) Thomas Randolph, the long-serving diplomat. Among those committee members on record defending the original bill were (8) John Audley and (9) Tristram Pistor. By contrast, (10) James Dalton expressed his dissatisfaction with the third provision. The backgrounds of the two remaining members are suggestive: (11) Thomas Dannett may have owed his seat to Matthew Parker, the beleaguered Archbishop of Canterbury, who had spearheaded simultaneous efforts to enforce clerical dress and to reform the canon law; (12) Vincent Skinner, meanwhile, had been a fellow at Cambridge with Thomas Cartwright, the outspoken academic champion of Presbyterianism. For more on these last two MPs, see Jones, W. J., “Dannett, Thomas (b. 1543–1601?),” in The House of Commons, 1558–1603, vol. 2, ed. Hasler, P. W. (London, 1981), 13Google Scholar; and A. G. R. Smith, “Skinner, Vincent (d. 1616),” The House of Commons, 1558–1603, vol. 3, 390–91.

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35 See notes 1 and 5 above.

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37 “Thomas Cromwell's Journal, 8 May–20 June,” 369–70.

38 TNA, “Bill (Nova) for permitting alterations in the Celebration of Divine Service,” SP 12/86, fols. 212v–213r.

39 David Ibbeston, “Yelverton, Sir Christopher (1536/7–1612),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/30213, accessed 15 July 2018; Smith, “Skinner, Vincent (d. 1616),” 390–91.

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44 Quoted in Strype, John, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, vol. 2, part 1 (Oxford, 1824), 393–95Google Scholar.

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48 In his will, Sandys stated that “concerning rites and ceremonies by political constitutions authorized amongst us, as I am and have been persuaded that such as are now set down by public authority in this church of England are no way either ungodly or unlawful … So have I ever been and presently am persuaded that some of them be not so expedient in this church now, but that in the church reformed … they may better be disused by little and little.” Reprinted in Sermons of Edwin Sandys, ed. Ayre, John (Cambridge, 1842), 448Google Scholar.

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68 After disbanding during Mary I's rule, the Protestant stranger churches were reestablished upon Elizabeth I's accession and placed under the supervision of Edmund Grindal, then bishop of London. The Dutch-speaking congregation met at the former priory of the Augustine (Austin) Friars, while the French-speaking congregation worshipped at the hospital of St. Anthony on Threadneedle Street. They were exempt from attending the established English services. The literature on the stranger churches is extensive. Some notable works include Patrick Collinson, “The Elizabethan Puritan Churches and the Foreign Reformed Churches in London,” in Godly People, 245–72; Pettegree, Andrew, Foreign Protestant Communities in Sixteenth-Century London (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar; Cottret, Bernard, The Huguenots in England: Immigration and Settlement, 1550–1700 (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar; Grell, Ole Peter, Calvinist Exiles in Tudor and Stuart England (Brookfield, 1996)Google Scholar; and the collected essays in Immigrants in Tudor and Stuart England, ed. Goose, Nigel and Luu, Lien (Brighton, 2005)Google Scholar.

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73 Spicer, “L'Evesque en soit adverty,” 133–35. Meanwhile, William John Charles Moens, the author of the first volume printed for the Huguenot Society of London, says only “It is probable that [with the composition of the Forme de police] the difference then arose in the rules for the Dutch and French Churches in England.” Moens, The Walloons and Their Church at Norwich: Their History and Registers, 1565–1832 (Lymington, 1887–88), 47Google Scholar.

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